{"id":9002,"date":"2021-04-24T20:01:34","date_gmt":"2021-04-24T20:01:34","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/revistakuvendi.org\/?p=9002"},"modified":"2021-04-24T20:01:34","modified_gmt":"2021-04-24T20:01:34","slug":"multikultura-dhe-politika","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/revistakuvendi.org\/?p=9002","title":{"rendered":"Multikultura dhe politika"},"content":{"rendered":"\n
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NIK\u00cb GASHAJ<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

                                    \n Ngritja e masave dhe kriza e elitave<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Shekulli XX ka filluar n\u00eb shenj\u00eb t\u00eb zgjimit t\u00eb\nmasave, kurse themeluesit e psikologjis\u00eb dhe sociologjis\u00eb s\u00eb masave, sikurse\nthot\u00eb profesori Serge Moskovici, nga universiteti i Cambridges kan\u00eb qen\u00eb t\u00eb\nbindur se masat do t\u00eb triumfojn\u00eb. Mir\u00ebpo, ka ndodh\u00eb q\u00eb, nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb e madhe t\u00eb\nshekullit t\u00eb kaluar kaloi n\u00eb shenj\u00eb t\u00eb lider\u00ebve politik\u00eb t\u00eb fuqish\u00ebm dhe\nkarizmatik\u00eb, sikurse kan\u00eb qen\u00eb: Lenini, Stalini, Musolini, Mao Ce Duni, Kastro\netj.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

K\u00ebtu raporti midis masave dhe lider\u00ebve nuk\nparaqet nj\u00eb kund\u00ebrth\u00ebnie reale, sepse masat dhe lider\u00ebt n\u00eb esenc\u00eb jan\u00eb dy\nfytyra t\u00eb nj\u00eb dukurie. Sikurse lider\u00ebt q\u00eb p\u00ebr suksesin e tyre m\u00eb s\u00eb tep\u00ebrmi\nduhet t\u2019i falenderohen  procesit t\u00eb \u201cmasifikimit\u201d (\u201ct\u00eb shnd\u00ebrrimit t\u00eb\nqytetar\u00ebve n\u00eb mas\u00eb\u201d ose sikurse ka th\u00ebn\u00eb Le Bon n\u00eb \u201cgrumbull \u2013 turm\u00eb\u201d), ashtu\nedhe masat k\u00ebrkojn\u00eb dhe i gjejn\u00eb lider\u00ebt t\u00eb cil\u00ebt u p\u00ebrgjigjen. Nd\u00ebrkaq, n\u00eb\nfund t\u00eb shekullit t\u00eb kaluar dhe n\u00eb fillim t\u00eb shekullit XXI, sikurse po\np\u00ebrs\u00ebriten dukurit\u00eb e koh\u00ebs s\u00eb kaluar historike.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Masat p\u00ebrs\u00ebri jan\u00eb zgjuar dhe po ngriten. N\u00eb\nshoq\u00ebrit\u00eb e zhvilluara industriale dhe demokratike t\u00eb Per\u00ebndimit gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb\ntep\u00ebr ka qytetar\u00eb t\u00eb pak\u00ebnaqur, t\u00eb cil\u00ebt nevoj\u00ebn p\u00ebr nd\u00ebrrimin e gjendjes\nekzistuese e tregojn\u00eb n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet t\u00eb shoqatave dhe iniciativave t\u00eb shumta\nqytetare. Jemi d\u00ebshmitar\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00eb rritjeje t\u00eb madhe t\u00eb l\u00ebvizjeve t\u00eb reja dhe t\u00eb\nndryshme shoq\u00ebrore, si dhe formave t\u00eb tjera t\u00eb organizimit jopolitik,\njoqeveritar dhe joprofitabil.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dhjet\u00ebvjet\u00ebshi i fundit n\u00eb k\u00ebto shoq\u00ebri ka\nkaluar n\u00eb shenj\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrhapjes dhe t\u00eb intensifikimit t\u00eb madh t\u00eb l\u00ebvizjeve\nshoq\u00ebrore dhe grupeve t\u00eb ashtuquajtura alternative neofeministe, antinukleare,\npaq\u00ebsore, ekologjike etj. Iniciativat dhe l\u00ebvizjet p\u00ebr t\u00eb drejtat e njeriut,\np\u00ebr shkoll\u00ebn e re, p\u00ebr medicin\u00ebn alternative, l\u00ebvizje p\u00ebr p\u00ebrkrahje\npsikologjike, l\u00ebvizje p\u00ebr teknologji alternative dhe energji, p\u00ebr ushqimin e\nsh\u00ebndosh\u00eb, p\u00ebr trupin e sh\u00ebndosh\u00eb, l\u00ebvizjet e grupeve pakic\u00eb seksuale, l\u00ebvizjet\nneoreligjioze t\u00eb llojeve t\u00eb ndryshme.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

T\u00eb gjitha k\u00ebto forma t\u00eb organizimit shoq\u00ebror\np\u00ebrmbajn\u00eb n\u00eb vete n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb eksplicite ose implicite iden\u00eb komplementare t\u00eb t\u00eb\ndrejtave t\u00eb pakicave, n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn e vet ato p\u00ebrmbajn\u00eb edhe stilin edhe\nbot\u00ebkuptimin e jet\u00ebs.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

                                                                   \nTurri i masave<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ish vendet socialiste t\u00eb Europ\u00ebs Q\u00ebndrore dhe\nLindore n\u00eb kalim prej vitit 1980 e k\u00ebtej i ka kapur nj\u00eb val\u00eb e v\u00ebrtet\u00eb e nd\u00ebrrimeve\nmasive demokratike politike p\u00ebr t\u00eb cilat zakonisht p\u00ebrdoret nocioni\n\u201crevolucioni pluralist\u201d. Pa nj\u00eb presion demokratik nga posht\u00eb dhe pa nj\u00eb\nrefuzim t\u00eb d\u00ebgjuashm\u00ebris\u00eb s\u00eb masave, r\u00ebnia e regjimeve politike nuk do t\u00eb\nkishte qen\u00eb as aq shpejt, as pa paq\u00ebsore.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ngritja e masave nuk i ka kursyer as vendet e\nshumta t\u00eb bot\u00ebs s\u00eb tret\u00eb. N\u00ebn presionin demokratik t\u00eb masave kan\u00eb p\u00ebrfunduar\ndiktatura t\u00eb shumta ushtarake n\u00eb Ameriken Latine. N\u00eb Afrik\u00ebn Jugore para\nvrullit t\u00eb shumic\u00ebs s\u00eb popullat\u00ebs zezake definitivisht ka r\u00ebn\u00eb regjimi i\naparthejdit. Nd\u00ebrkaq as turri i masave nuk ka gjithmon\u00eb cil\u00ebsi pozitive. N\u00eb\ndisa vende t\u00eb Azis\u00eb dhe Afrik\u00ebs nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb e masave \u00ebsht\u00eb e perfshir\u00eb me nj\u00eb\ninfluenc\u00eb t\u00eb madhe t\u00eb religjionit, \u00e7ka jep nj\u00eb baz\u00eb sociale n\u00eb dukurin\u00eb e\nfundamentalizmit fetar (\u00e7ka ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht i karakterizon disa vende islamike).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

N\u00eb disa vende t\u00eb Per\u00ebndimit nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb e\npak\u00ebnaq\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb masave kanalizohet edhe n\u00eb drejtim t\u00eb grupacioneve ekstreme\npolitike, pastaj formacionet politike t\u00eb s\u00eb djatht\u00ebs ekstreme p\u00ebrfitojn\u00eb nj\u00eb\np\u00ebrkrahje t\u00eb gj\u00ebr\u00eb dhe t\u00eb papritur n\u00eb trupin elektoral (shembulli, Lepen n\u00eb\nFranc\u00eb).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ajo \u00e7ka m\u00eb s\u00eb tep\u00ebrmi shqet\u00ebson dhe brengos\n\u00ebsht\u00eb platforma politike n\u00eb baz\u00eb t\u00eb s\u00eb cil\u00ebs arrihen rezultatet e tilla,\nplatform\u00eb ajo e cila p\u00ebrmban q\u00ebndrime t\u00eb shumta neofashiste n\u00eb pik\u00ebpmaje t\u00eb t\u00eb\ndrejtave t\u00eb qytetar\u00ebve t\u00eb huaj, ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht t\u00eb pun\u00ebtor\u00ebve si dhe n\u00eb pik\u00ebpamje\nt\u00eb pakicave.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ndon\u00ebse shumica e atyre shoq\u00ebrive e kan\u00eb\nshpallur multikulturalizmin si vler\u00eb t\u00eb lart\u00eb d\u00ebshiruese, n\u00eb jet\u00ebn praktike\nmund t\u00eb v\u00ebrehen tendencat q\u00eb t\u00eb drejtat e pakicave shoq\u00ebrore t\u00eb profileve t\u00eb\nndryshme t\u00eb vihen n\u00eb pyetje.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

                                                  Mungesa e\nliderve t\u00eb m\u00ebdhenj<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

N\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn koh\u00eb, n\u00eb horizontin politik\u00eb\nbot\u00ebror nuk ka lider t\u00eb m\u00ebdhenj politik\u00eb, madje as politikan\u00eb t\u00eb formatit t\u00eb\ngjer\u00eb, t\u00eb cil\u00ebt me vizionet e veta do t\u00eb mundeshin t\u00eb afrojn\u00eb p\u00ebrgjigje\nstrategjike mbi \u00e7\u00ebshtjen se kah po shkon bota sot. N\u00eb qiellin politik\nbashk\u00ebkohor nuk ka asnj\u00eb yll q\u00eb mund t\u00eb krahasohej me shk\u00eblq\u00ebsin\u00eb e Ruzveltit,\n\u00c7\u00ebr\u00e7ilit, De Gollit, Kenedit ose nd\u00ebrkaq, t\u00eb Gandit, Titos, Nehrit. Ajo munges\u00eb\n\u00ebsht\u00eb dhe aq m\u00eb e r\u00ebnd\u00eb duke qen\u00eb se pik\u00ebrisht bota sot kalon n\u00ebp\u00ebr nj\u00eb\nperiudh\u00eb shprehimisht t\u00eb l\u00ebkundshme, jostabile dhe me konflikte.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Sikurse po marrim pjes\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb kriz\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrgjithshme\nelitare t\u00eb tipit t\u00eb vjet\u00ebr, nd\u00ebrsa format e reja t\u00eb reprodukimit t\u00eb elitave\nakoma nuk jan\u00eb t\u00eb vendosura. Kriza e elitave n\u00eb praktik\u00eb manifestohet si kriz\u00eb\nudh\u00ebqjes, prandaj n\u00eb analizat neokonservative dhe postkomuniste mund t\u00eb v\u00ebrejm\u00eb\nvler\u00ebsimet mbi kapacitetet e zvog\u00ebluara t\u00eb udh\u00ebheqjes ose t\u00eb drejtimit me\nshtetet bashk\u00ebkohore.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

N\u00eb an\u00ebn tjet\u00ebr, sikurse p\u00ebrs\u00ebri po marrim pjes\u00eb\nn\u00eb zgjimin e masave dhe n\u00eb daljen e tyre n\u00eb sken\u00ebn shoq\u00ebrore dhe politike. Por\nk\u00ebsaj here, p\u00ebr dallim prej fillimit t\u00eb shekullit t\u00eb kaluar ngritja e masave ka\nnj\u00eb cil\u00ebsi specifike. Masat paraqiten n\u00eb sken\u00ebn shoq\u00ebrore jo n\u00eb form\u00eb amorfe,\npor parimisht, n\u00ebn shenj\u00ebn e p\u00ebrkat\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb vet etnike.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Zgjimi i s\u00ebrish\u00ebm i ndjenjave nacionale dhe\nforcimi i l\u00ebvizjeve nacionaliste paraqet nj\u00ebr\u00ebn nga karakteristikat e\nr\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme t\u00eb dhjet\u00eb vjet\u00ebshit t\u00eb fundit. Trendi i till\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb ngusht i lidhur\nme procesin i cili mund t\u00eb quhet etnifikimi i politik\u00ebs.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

                         \nMobilizimi i resurseve t\u00eb identiteteve komb\u00ebtare<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Implozioni i socializmit ka shkuar n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb\nsimultane me eksplodimin e nacionalizmit. Shkat\u00ebrrimi i socializmit,\nve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht n\u00eb shoq\u00ebtrit\u00eb multietnike dhe shtetet federative, pjes\u00ebrisht ka\nqen\u00eb i shkaktuar, dhe gjithsesi i shpejtuar, n\u00ebn presionin e nj\u00eb vale t\u00eb re dhe\nt\u00eb fuqishme t\u00eb nacionalizmit. Nj\u00ebri nga historian\u00ebt m\u00eb t\u00eb njohur, Erik\nHobsbaum, nacionalzimin bashk\u00ebkohor postkomunist e ka quajtur nacionaliz\u00ebm\nseparatist.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Nga ana tjet\u00ebr, r\u00ebnia e socializmit ka pasur\nedhe dometh\u00ebnien e r\u00ebnies s\u00eb nj\u00eb sistemi t\u00eb t\u00ebr\u00eb t\u00eb vlerave, \u00e7ka nd\u00ebr t\u00eb tjera\ne ka hapur dhe shtuar kriz\u00ebn e identitetit kolektiv. Nacionalizmi \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb t\u00eb\nv\u00ebrtet\u00eb nj\u00ebri nga p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsit mbi kriz\u00ebn e identitetit kolektiv, q\u00eb i ka kapur\nshoq\u00ebrit\u00eb e shumta bashk\u00ebkohore.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

N\u00eb shoq\u00ebrit\u00eb ekskomuniste lider\u00ebt dhe elitat e\nreja politike e kan\u00eb grabitur at\u00eb resurs t\u00eb identitetit, t\u00eb cilin e kan\u00eb pasur\nm\u00eb s\u00eb af\u00ebrmi dhe m\u00eb s\u00eb lehti p\u00ebr ta aktivizuar. Mir\u00ebpo, duhet t\u00eb theksojm\u00eb se\nas masat nuk jan\u00eb krejt\u00ebsisht t\u00eb pafajshme dhe sjelljet e tyre t\u00eb shpeshta\nmilitante, agresive dhe jotolerante, jan\u00eb s\u00eb gjithash ndaj pjes\u00ebtar\u00ebve t\u00eb\nkombeve t\u00eb tjera nuk mund t\u00eb jen\u00eb t\u00eb shpjeguara dhe t\u00eb arsyetuara.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Mobilizimi i resursit t\u00eb identitetit nacional ka\nqen\u00eb i mundur edhe p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb instrumentalizmit relativisht t\u00eb leht\u00eb t\u00eb\nndjenjave nacionale p\u00ebr send\u00ebrtimin e q\u00ebllimeve politike t\u00eb caktuar dhe para s\u00eb\ngjithash redistribuimin dhe alokacionin e ri t\u00eb forc\u00ebs politike dhe p\u00ebr\nvendosjen e formave t\u00eb reja t\u00eb dominimit politik.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Teza e sociologut t\u00eb njohur politik nga\nGjermania, Claus Offe, mbi etnifikimin e politik\u00ebs (\u201cethnification of the\npolitics\u201d) n\u00eb nj\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb shum\u00eb adekuate e shpjegon at\u00eb \u00e7ka ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht ndodh n\u00eb\nshoq\u00ebrit\u00eb n\u00eb tranzicion. Autori n\u00eb fjal\u00eb tregon se etnifikimi i politik\u00ebs\nparaqitet si di\u00e7ka tragjike n\u00eb mikroplanin individual dhe n\u00eb makroplanin\nkolektiv.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Teza mbi etnifikimin e politik\u00ebs e zhvler\u00ebson\nbesimin, i cili ka qen\u00eb gjer\u00ebsisht i p\u00ebrhapur se koha e nacionalizmit ka kaluar\np\u00ebrgjithmon\u00eb dhe se tani gjendemi n\u00eb periudh\u00ebn e shoq\u00ebrive multinacionale dhe\nmultikulturore dhe q\u00eb po ashtu jemi n\u00eb prag t\u00eb er\u00ebs postnacionale.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

N\u00eb qoft\u00ebse e pranojm\u00eb intenc\u00ebn e tez\u00ebs mbi\netnifikimin e politik\u00ebs at\u00ebher\u00eb duhet t\u00eb pyesim, a ekzistojn\u00eb disa arsye t\u00eb\nthella t\u00eb rritjes s\u00eb re t\u00eb nacionalizmit, i cili gjithsesi \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb evident n\u00eb\nvendet postkomuniste, por si fenomen \u00ebsht\u00eb i pranish\u00ebm edhe n\u00eb shum\u00eb vende t\u00eb\ndemokracis\u00eb perendimore.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

                    \nManifestimi i p\u00ebrleshjeve nd\u00ebrnacionale si konflikt i identiteve<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

N\u00eb kushtet e etnifikimit t\u00eb politk\u00ebs vijat\nkryesore t\u00eb ndarjeve politike dhe format kryesore t\u00eb p\u00ebrleshjeve kryesore,\nb\u00ebhen konflikte t\u00eb identiteteve kolektive. P\u00ebr dallim prej konflikteve t\u00eb\nzakonshme t\u00eb interesave t\u00eb ndryshme, konfliktet e identiteteve (n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb rast\nkonfliktet etnike) kan\u00eb disa cil\u00ebsi specifike, t\u00eb cilat kan\u00eb mundur t\u00eb v\u00ebrehen\nqart\u00eb n\u00eb map\u00ebn e konflikteve t\u00eb ish Jugosllavis\u00eb socialiste.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Cil\u00ebsia e par\u00eb dhe m\u00eb e dukshme e konfliktit t\u00eb\nidentiteteve n\u00eb p\u00ebrgjithsi, nd\u00ebrsa t\u00eb konflikteve etnike ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht, \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb\nngarkes\u00eb e madhe emocionale, nj\u00eb novel i lart\u00eb i pasioneve dhe i ndjenjave t\u00eb\nt\u00eb gjith\u00ebve, ose t\u00eb shumic\u00ebs s\u00eb akter\u00ebve t\u00eb p\u00ebrzier n\u00eb konflikt.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Mu p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb arsye ato lloje konfliktesh shpesh,\nn\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb jo adekuate, quhen konflikte iracionale. Ndarja sipas s\u00eb cil\u00ebs\nkonflikti i interesave materiale i takon grupit racional, nd\u00ebrsa konfliktet\nnd\u00ebretnike i p\u00ebrksain grupit t\u00eb p\u00ebrleshjeve iracionale nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb e sakt\u00eb, sepse\nnuk \u00ebsht\u00eb fjala mbi kund\u00ebrshtimet dhe dallimet mbi cil\u00ebsit\u00eb racionale apo\niracionale t\u00eb konflikteve, por p\u00ebr faktin se p\u00ebr kuptimin e konflikteve etnike\nkomponenta racionale nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb e mjaftueshme.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

P\u00ebrndryshe, emocionet dhe p\u00ebrmbajtjet e tjera t\u00eb\npranishme mbi k\u00ebt\u00eb lloj t\u00eb konflikteve nuk duhet t\u00eb jen\u00eb, parimisht ato as nuk\njan\u00eb iracionale. E dyta, n\u00eb konfliktet e identiteteve si ato individuale dhe\nkolektive, shpesh mund t\u00eb v\u00ebrehet gadishm\u00ebria e pal\u00ebve ne konflikt t\u00eb\nsakrifikojn\u00eb interesat e veta ekonomike dhe t\u00eb tjera (madje dhe jet\u00ebn)\nn\u00ebqoft\u00ebse e vler\u00ebsojn\u00eb se realisht ose potencialisht iu \u00ebsht\u00eb rrezikuar\nidentiteti.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ashtu ndodh q\u00eb sjelljet e akter\u00ebve n\u00eb konfliktin\nnd\u00ebretnik na duken iracionale, si dhe drejtp\u00ebrs\u00ebdrejti t\u00eb d\u00ebmshme p\u00ebr ata vet\u00eb,\nnd\u00ebrsa n\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn koh\u00eb aketer\u00ebt n\u00eb konflikt ose ato t\u00eb cil\u00ebt e mbrojn\u00eb\npozicionin e tyre, gjejn\u00eb arsyetime p\u00ebr sjelljet e tilla duke u thirrur n\u00eb\npozicionin dhe pik\u00ebpmajet emotive, morale dhe historike, apo t\u00eb nj\u00eb sistemi t\u00eb\nvlerave n\u00eb p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsi.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Cil\u00ebsia e tret\u00eb e k\u00ebtyre konflikteve lidhet me\nat\u00eb t\u00eb sip\u00ebrp\u00ebrmendurin. Prania e pasioneve dhe e ndjenjave me nj\u00eb intensitet\nt\u00eb lart\u00eb, e kusht\u00ebzon dhe e shpjegon pjes\u00ebrisht faktin se fjala \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebr tipin\ne konflikteve q\u00eb mund t\u00eb quhet eskluziv.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ato jan\u00eb konflikte shoq\u00ebrore t\u00eb cilat parimisht\ni p\u00ebrkasin tipit t\u00eb konflikteve ose\/ose, respektivisht jan\u00eb konfliktet n\u00eb t\u00eb\ncilat shkalla e eskluzivitetit \u00ebsht\u00eb jasht\u00ebzakonisht e madhe, n\u00eb nj\u00ebr\u00ebn an\u00eb\nnd\u00ebrsa niveli i toleranc\u00ebs n\u00eb an\u00ebn tjet\u00ebr, \u00ebsht\u00eb shum\u00eb i ul\u00ebt.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

P\u00ebrndryshe, rrezikimi i identitetit social t\u00eb\nndonj\u00eb grupi shoq\u00ebror shpie deri te reaksione t\u00eb ngjashme si dhe situata t\u00eb\nrrezikimit t\u00eb identitetit t\u00eb individit, i cili angazhohet me t\u00ebr\u00eb fuqin\u00eb e vet\np\u00ebr mbrojtjen e identitetit personal.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

      \n                         Etnifikimi\ni politik\u00ebs dhe pakicat komb\u00ebtare<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

E kat\u00ebrta, cil\u00ebsi me r\u00ebnd\u00ebsi e konfliktit t\u00eb\nidentiteteve, n\u00eb kuad\u00ebr t\u00eb saj dhe t\u00eb p\u00ebrleshjeve nd\u00ebrnacionale apo etnike\n\u00ebsht\u00eb edhe prania e rolit t\u00eb frik\u00ebs. Ajo \u00ebsht\u00eb frika nga tjetri, frika nga\ngrupi etnik i cili konsiderohet si kund\u00ebrshtar. Dhe sikurse n\u00eb organizimin e\nnj\u00ebriut elementet e kanosura n\u00eb situatat e rrezikshme me t\u00eb shpejt\u00eb b\u00ebjn\u00eb sekrecion\napo tajitjet e disa l\u00ebngj\u00ebve nga gj\u00ebndrrat e trupit, ashtu edhe n\u00eb indin\nshoq\u00ebror disa bashk\u00ebsi n\u00eb kushtet e frik\u00ebs bashkojn\u00eb nj\u00eb energji sociale, e\ncila pret p\u00ebr t\u00eb eksploduar. Pa marr\u00eb parasysh se a \u00ebsht\u00eb frika e arsyeshme ose\nsi\u00e7 ndodh\u00eb nganj\u00ebher\u00eb q\u00eb ajo t\u00eb r\u00ectrillohet dhe t\u00eb imagjinohet, ajo b\u00ebhet\nnj\u00ebsoj nj\u00eb fakt real dhe objektiv, i cili dikton sjelljen e grupeve etnike n\u00eb\nkonflikt. Konfliktet nd\u00ebretnike n\u00eb hap\u00ebsir\u00ebn e ish \u2013 Jugoslavis\u00eb socialiste\njan\u00eb shembull i shkoqitur dhe i qart\u00eb q\u00eb e verteton k\u00ebt\u00eb. Nj\u00eb komponent i\nr\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm i frik\u00ebs \u00ebsht\u00eb situata e pasiguris\u00eb, e cila b\u00ebn nj\u00eb presion t\u00eb\nr\u00ebnd\u00eb n\u00eb gjendjen psikike t\u00eb njer\u00ebzve.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

                                     \nK\u00ebrkesa p\u00ebr vet\u00ebvendosje nacionale<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

E pesta, p\u00ebr arsye t\u00eb nj\u00eb logjike t\u00eb konflikteve\nt\u00eb tilla \u201ckrejt ose asgj\u00eb\u201d, hap\u00ebsira p\u00ebr t\u00eb gjetur nj\u00eb em\u00ebrues t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt\nose zgjidhje kompromise \u00ebsht\u00eb rrept\u00ebsisht e zvog\u00ebluar, \u00ebsht\u00eb v\u00ebshtir\u00eb p\u00ebr ta\ndefinuar dhe m\u00eb v\u00ebshtir\u00eb p\u00ebr ta realizuar. Parimisht, ato jan\u00eb situata n\u00eb t\u00eb\ncilat minimumi i k\u00ebrkesave t\u00eb nj\u00ebr\u00ebs pal\u00eb n\u00eb konflikt k\u00ebrkon l\u00ebshime apo\nkoncesione maksimale t\u00eb pal\u00ebs tjet\u00ebr n\u00eb konflikt. Nj\u00eb shembull tipik p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb\n\u00ebsht\u00eb k\u00ebrkesa p\u00ebr vet\u00ebvendosje nacionale deri te ndarja apo shk\u00ebputja e cila n\u00eb\nhap\u00ebsir\u00ebn e ish \u2013 Jugosllavis\u00eb socialiste pal\u00ebt n\u00eb konflikt shpesh i ka prur\u00eb\nn\u00eb nj\u00eb pozicion shum\u00eb t\u00eb pavolitsh\u00ebm p\u00ebrkitazi me mund\u00ebsin\u00eb e zgjidhjes s\u00eb\nkonflikteve. P\u00ebr ish republikat e Jogosllavis\u00eb dhe ish krahinat autonome t\u00eb\nKosov\u00ebs, t\u00eb cilat kan\u00eb d\u00ebshiruar t\u00eb b\u00ebhen shtete t\u00eb pavarura, k\u00ebrkesa p\u00ebr\nvet\u00ebvendosje, nga k\u00ebndi i shikimit t\u00eb tyre ka qen\u00eb i arsyesh\u00ebm dhe legjitim.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Nga pik\u00ebpamja e t\u00eb gjitha atyre forcave sociale,\npolitike, nacionale dhe ushtarake n\u00eb krye me udh\u00ebheq\u00ebsin\u00eb shtet\u00ebrore t\u00eb\nSerbis\u00eb, t\u00eb cil\u00ebt gjoja e kan\u00eb mbrojtur unitetin dhe sovranitetin e bashk\u00ebsis\u00eb\ns\u00eb m\u00ebparshme shtet\u00ebrore Jugosllave, k\u00ebrkesat e tilla kan\u00eb qen\u00eb t\u00eb cil\u00ebsuara si\nsecesioniste dhe t\u00eb papranueshme.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00cbsht\u00eb e kuptueshme se nd\u00ebrmjet atyre dy\npik\u00ebpamjeve dhe q\u00ebndrimeve ka qen\u00eb v\u00ebshtir\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb vihet deri te zgjidhja\nkompromise, ashtu q\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha projektet mbi \u201cfederat\u00ebn asimetrike\u201d, \u201cfederat\u00ebn\n-konfederat\u00ebn\u201d dhe \u201ckonfederat\u00ebn\u201d d\u00ebshtuar relativisht leht\u00eb.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

E gjashta, konfliktet e identiteteve,\nve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht konfliktet nd\u00ebretnike kan\u00eb paraqitur nj\u00eb veprim t\u00eb rreziksh\u00ebm, t\u00eb\nd\u00ebmsh\u00ebm dhe shkat\u00ebrrues, t\u00eb cilat n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet nj\u00eb induksioni social i forcojn\u00eb\nato ndjenja t\u00eb cilat i kan\u00eb nxitur.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Nj\u00ebra nga manifestimet e saj \u00ebsht\u00eb edhe nj\u00eb\nzgjerim dhe p\u00ebrhapje e nj\u00eb s\u00ebmundjeje ngjit\u00ebse t\u00eb solidaritetit t\u00eb nj\u00eb rrethi\nm\u00eb t\u00eb gj\u00ebr\u00eb t\u00eb popullat\u00ebs sesa ata t\u00eb cil\u00ebt me t\u00eb drejt\u00eb do t\u00eb mund t-i quajm\u00eb\nnacionalist\u00eb.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

E shtata, konfliktet etnike n\u00eb hap\u00ebsir\u00ebn e ish\nJugosllavis\u00eb kan\u00eb treguar se pjesa e atyre q\u00eb kan\u00eb marr\u00eb nj\u00eb pozicion neutral\nn\u00eb konflikt ka qen\u00eb m\u00eb i vog\u00ebl dhe se me zhvillimin e konflikteve grupacioni i\ntill\u00eb e ka pasur gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebshtir\u00eb, ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht ka qen\u00eb v\u00ebshtir\u00eb t\u00eb\nmbetet neutral atje ku intensiteti i konflikteve ka marr\u00eb p\u00ebrmasa t\u00eb m\u00ebdha.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

E teta, n\u00eb natyren dhe n\u00eb tiparet psikologjike\nt\u00eb k\u00ebtyre llojeve t\u00eb konflikteve \u00ebsht\u00eb e nd\u00ebrtuar spiralja e rritjes, t\u00eb cil\u00ebn\nka qen\u00eb v\u00ebshtir\u00eb p\u00ebr ta ndalur. Me fjal\u00eb t\u00eb tjera, n\u00eb qoft\u00eb se konflikti zgjat,\nat\u00ebher\u00eb ai fiton nj\u00eb p\u00ebrkrahje sociale m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ajo m\u00eb tutje do t\u00eb thot\u00eb se lloji i till\u00eb i\nkonfliktit \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb leht\u00eb t\u00eb neutralizohet apo t\u00eb amortizohet n\u00eb fazat\nfillestare sesa m\u00eb von\u00eb.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

E n\u00ebnta, konfliktet e identiteteve, n\u00eb rradh\u00eb t\u00eb\npar\u00eb konfliktet nd\u00ebrnacionale, fare leht\u00eb mund t-i shmangen kontrollit.\nHistoria \u00ebsht\u00eb plot shembuj t\u00eb cil\u00ebt tregojn\u00eb se madje edhe ata t\u00eb cil\u00ebt e kan\u00eb\nnisur, ose q\u00eb kan\u00eb dashur q\u00eb me konflikte t\u00eb tilla t\u00eb manipolojn\u00eb, pas kalimit\nt\u00eb nj\u00eb pragu t\u00eb caktuar nuk jan\u00eb n\u00eb gjendje q\u00eb nj\u00eb konflikt t\u00eb till\u00eb ta\nkontrollojn\u00eb apo ta ndalin.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

                                                             Roli i fjal\u00ebs\ndhe i simboleve<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

E dhjeta, n\u00eb konfliktin e identiteteve,\nve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht n\u00eb p\u00ebrleshjet nd\u00ebretnike, roli i fjal\u00ebs dhe i simboleve \u00ebsht\u00eb i\nmadh. D\u00ebmet q\u00eb mund t\u2019i sjellin fjal\u00ebt e pamatura mund t\u00eb b\u00ebhen t\u00eb\npakompensueshme dhe t\u00eb pandreqshme.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ndoshta efektet m\u00eb negative paraqesin simbolet,\nve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht ato q\u00eb jan\u00eb t\u00eb ngarkuara me p\u00ebrvojat dhe memorien negative nga e\nkaluara historike. P\u00ebrdorimi i simboleve \u00e7etnike dhe ustashe e ka b\u00ebr\u00eb t\u00eb\nthemi, konfliktin midis serb\u00ebve dhe kroat\u00ebve m\u00eb tragjik dhe e ka v\u00ebshtir\u00ebsuar\nzgjidhjen. T\u00eb gjtha k\u00ebto cil\u00ebsi apo karakteristika kan\u00eb qen\u00eb t\u00eb pranishme n\u00eb\nkonfliktet nd\u00ebrnacionale n\u00eb truallin e ish \u2013 Jugoslavis\u00eb socialiste dhe jan\u00eb\nnj\u00eb v\u00ebrtetim i pamohuesh\u00ebm i vler\u00ebsimin mbi politik\u00ebn e etnifikuar.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

                                               \nMultikultura dhe demokracia<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

P\u00ebr arsye t\u00eb problemeve praktike dhe\nv\u00ebshtir\u00ebsive me t\u00eb cilat jan\u00eb ballafaquar shoq\u00ebrit\u00eb multikulturore dhe\nmultietnike n\u00eb prcesin e tranzicionit nga socializmi real n\u00eb shoq\u00ebrit\u00eb postkomuniste,\ne ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb shp\u00ebrb\u00ebrjes s\u00eb tri ish -federatave socialiste\n(Bashkimi Sovjetik, \u00c7ekosllovakia dhe Jugosllavia), shum\u00eb autor\u00eb jan\u00eb t\u00eb\ngatsh\u00ebm t\u00eb nxjerrin p\u00ebrfundimin se multikultura dhe demokracia jan\u00eb n\u00eb konflikt\nose m\u00eb sakt\u00ebsisht se multikultura \u00ebsht\u00eb faktor kufizues dhe penges\u00eb p\u00ebr\ndemokracin\u00eb.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Analiza e m\u00ebparshme mbi k\u00ebt\u00eb kontekst ofron disa\nelemente p\u00ebr konkluza t\u00eb tilla, mir\u00ebpo \u00ebsht\u00eb e nevojshme t\u00eb theksojm\u00eb se ajo\n\u00ebsht\u00eb e mundshme vet\u00ebm n\u00eb kushte t\u00eb caktuara dhe vlen\u00eb vet\u00ebm n\u00eb rrethana\nspecifike. Rrethanat e tilla jan\u00eb, para s\u00eb gjithash, t\u00eb lidhura me procese t\u00eb\ncilat i kemi quajtur dhe p\u00ebrshkruar me santagm\u00ebn \u201cetnifikimi i politik\u00ebs\u201d.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

N\u00eb koh\u00ebt normale, nd\u00ebrkaq, multikultura m\u00eb tep\u00ebr\ne favorizon s\u00ebsa e pengon zhvillimin e demokracis\u00eb. M\u00eb s\u00eb pari, n\u00eb vet\u00eb\nkonceptin e multikultur\u00ebs p\u00ebrmbahet ideja e pluralizmit, e cila \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00ebra nga\ncil\u00ebsit\u00eb qen\u00ebsore t\u00eb demokracis\u00eb. Pastaj, multikultura supozon nj\u00eb nivel t\u00eb\ncaktuar t\u00eb toleranc\u00ebs, t\u00eb respektimit t\u00eb llojllojshm\u00ebris\u00eb dhe t\u00eb njohjes e t\u00eb\npranimit t\u00eb tjetrit, n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb mund\u00ebsohet send\u00ebrtimi i jet\u00ebs s\u00eb\np\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Toleranca, nd\u00ebrkaq, \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00ebra nga supozimet e\ndomosdoshme t\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha demokracive. M\u00eb n\u00eb fund, n\u00eb mjediset multikulturore\nspektri i t\u00eb drejtave demokratike \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb i gj\u00ebr\u00eb, sepse krahas t\u00eb drejtave\nindividuale, k\u00ebrkohen edhe t\u00eb drejtat p\u00ebrkat\u00ebse kolektive t\u00eb grupeve kulturore\ndhe etnike. Mu p\u00ebr at\u00eb arsye p\u00ebrfundimi \u00ebsht\u00eb se multikulturalizmi paraqet nj\u00eb\npenges\u00eb p\u00ebr demokracin\u00eb vet\u00ebm n\u00eb kushte t\u00eb caktuara: n\u00eb kushtet e entifikimit\nekstem t\u00eb politik\u00ebs dhe n\u00eb kushtet e ngushtimit t\u00eb kuptimit liberal t\u00eb\ndemokracis\u00eb, q\u00eb ky\u00e7 apo p\u00ebrfshin vet\u00ebm t\u00eb drejtat individuale t\u00eb qytetar\u00ebve.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ato jan\u00eb kushtet kur pluralizmi i v\u00ebrtet\u00eb\npolitik redukohet dhe transformohet n\u00eb pluralizmin etnik. N\u00eb at\u00eb situat\u00eb fjala\n\u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebr kthimin e bashk\u00ebsis\u00eb politike n\u00eb nj\u00eb bashk\u00ebsi parapolitike. Ato jan\u00eb\nato situata n\u00eb t\u00eb cilat koncepti i shumic\u00ebs dhe pakic\u00ebs politike (i cili n\u00eb\ndemokraci \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb raport i ndryshuesh\u00ebm) transformohet n\u00eb nj\u00eb shumic\u00eb dhe\npakic\u00eb konstante n\u00eb kuptimin etnik. Etnifikimi i politik\u00ebs, n\u00eb t\u00eb cilin shpesh\nkan\u00eb marr\u00eb pjes\u00eb edhe partit\u00eb politike t\u00eb pakicave komb\u00ebtare, nuk e ka\nfavorizuar dhe leht\u00ebsuar p\u00ebrmir\u00ebsimin e pozit\u00ebs s\u00eb pakicave etnonacionale dhe\nndikimin e tyre n\u00eb proceset politike.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Sado q\u00eb ting\u00ebllon befasues dhe paradoksal,\netnifikimi i politik\u00ebs ka pasur pik\u00ebrisht nj\u00eb efekt t\u00eb kund\u00ebrt n\u00eb pozit\u00ebn\npolitike reale t\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha kombeve t\u00eb cilat n\u00eb nj\u00eb shoq\u00ebri apo pjes\u00eb t\u00eb saj\njan\u00eb n\u00eb pakic\u00eb. Kjo ndodh p\u00ebr shkak se si\u00e7 thot\u00eb teoricieni anglez George\nSchoepflin, \u201cq\u00ebllimi i fundi, natyrisht i paarritsh\u00ebm i ideologjive\nnacionaliste, \u00ebsht\u00eb \u00ebnd\u00ebrr \u2013 ose det i nat\u00ebs \u2013 mbi shtetet e past\u00ebr etnik\u201d.\nEdhe pse, te formimi i kombeve, sikurse thon\u00eb historian\u00ebt, nacionalizmi i\nparaprin kombit, kur \u00ebsht\u00eb fjala p\u00ebr pakicat komb\u00ebtare situata \u00ebsht\u00eb e kund\u00ebrt-\nkombi i paraprin nacionalizmit.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

                                         Konflikti nd\u00ebrmjet\nshumic\u00ebs dhe pakicave<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Sikurse te \u00e7do e drejt\u00eb e pakicave, q\u00eb nuk kemi\nt\u00eb b\u00ebjm\u00eb me t\u00eb drejtat e pakicave komb\u00ebtare v\u00ebrehet edhe m\u00eb qart\u00eb \u2013 ekziston\ninstalimi i konfliktit nd\u00ebrmjet interesave t\u00eb shumic\u00ebs, t\u00eb cilat i p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebson\nshteti (dhe i cili, objektivisht, e favorizon kombin shumic\u00eb) dhe interesave t\u00eb\npakicave (p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsimi i t\u00eb cilave gjith\u00ebher\u00eb dhe objektivisht, pra jo vet\u00ebm\nsubjektivisht, \u00ebsht\u00eb i v\u00ebshtir\u00ebsuar).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

N\u00eb qoft\u00eb se nj\u00eb relacion i till\u00eb, potencialisht\nkonfliktuoz, fiton edhe cil\u00ebsi t\u00eb konfliktit t\u00eb identiteteve kolektive (n\u00eb baza\nt\u00eb ndjenjave t\u00eb p\u00ebrhapura mbi rrezikimin objektiv ose t\u00eb supozuar, t\u00eb\nimagjinuar dhe t\u00eb trilluar t\u00eb identitetit, t\u00eb nj\u00ebr\u00ebs apo tjetr\u00ebs pal\u00eb), p\u00ebr \u00e7ka\ntashm\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb fjal\u00eb, at\u00ebher\u00eb konflikti \u00ebsht\u00eb i pashmangsh\u00ebm dhe fiton shum\u00eb\np\u00ebrmbajtje dhe karakteristika emotive dhe iracionale.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

N\u00eb qoft\u00eb se konflikti i identiteteve nacionale e\nkalon nj\u00eb prag t\u00eb caktuar t\u00eb toleranc\u00ebs, zgjidhja e tij n\u00eb kuad\u00ebr t\u00eb nj\u00eb\npolitike normale, e kuptuar si harmonizim i interesave t\u00eb ndryshme, b\u00ebhet shum\u00eb\ne v\u00ebshtir\u00eb. Madje edhe n\u00ebn supozimin se aranzhmanet politike t\u00eb shoq\u00ebris\u00eb n\u00eb\ntranzicion jan\u00eb me kapacitete dhe potenciale shum\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebdha sesa q\u00eb jan\u00eb\nobjektivisht (duke marr\u00eb parasysh nivelin relativisht t\u00eb ul\u00ebt t\u00eb kultur\u00ebs\npolitike, t\u00eb ngarkuar me nj\u00eb trash\u00ebgimi nga e kaluara e af\u00ebrt apo e larg\u00ebt\netj.), do t\u00eb ishte optimiz\u00ebm i tepruar t\u00eb pritet se mund t\u00eb merren shpejt,\nleht\u00eb dhe me sukses me problemet e nacionalizmit dhe t\u00eb etnifikimit t\u00eb\npolitik\u00ebs. Llogarin\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe t\u00eb nj\u00eb mossuksesi t\u00eb till\u00eb e paguajn\u00eb\ngjith\u00ebsesi pakicat. Ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht ajo vlen p\u00ebr shoq\u00ebrit\u00eb n\u00eb t\u00eb cilat tendencat\nautoritare jan\u00eb shum\u00eb t\u00eb forta dhe t\u00eb cilat oscilojn\u00eb nd\u00ebrmjet \u201cdemokracive\ndespotike\u201d dhe t\u00eb \u201cdespotive demokratike\u201d.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

                  \nDalja nga situata e pavolitshme- realizim i strategjis\u00eb komplekse<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

P\u00ebr t\u00eb dalur nga nj\u00eb situat\u00eb aq e pavolitshme\n\u00ebsht\u00eb e nevojshme q\u00eb t\u00eb realizohet nj\u00eb strategji komplekse, dhe pik\u00ebrisht n\u00eb\nnivele t\u00eb ndryshme. N\u00eb nivelin e rendit kushtetues-juridik \u00ebsht\u00eb e domosdoshme\nt\u00eb vendoset nj\u00eb balanc\u00eb nd\u00ebrmjet t\u00eb drejtave individuale t\u00eb qyteteve dhe t\u00eb\ndrejtave kolektive t\u00eb grupeve etnike, si dhe nj\u00ebfar\u00eb baraspeshe nd\u00ebrmjet t\u00eb\ndrejtave sovrane t\u00eb shtetit dhe demokracis\u00eb s\u00eb nj\u00eb shkalle t\u00eb autonomis\u00eb\netnike.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

N\u00eb nj\u00eb plan t\u00eb gjer\u00eb shoq\u00ebror \u00ebsht\u00eb i\ndomosdosh\u00ebm q\u00eb n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet zhvillimit t\u00eb shoq\u00ebris\u00eb civile t\u00eb vendosen kushtet p\u00ebr\nzhvillimin e pluralizmit civil etnik n\u00eb vend t\u00eb etnonacionalizmit politik. Me\nfjal\u00eb t\u00eb tjera n\u00eb kushtet kur t\u00eb gjitha partit\u00eb politike b\u00ebhen parti\netnopolitike, \u00ebsht\u00eb e nevojshme t\u00eb b\u00ebhet nd\u00ebrrimi i qendr\u00ebs s\u00eb r\u00ebndes\u00ebs dhe i\nfush\u00ebs s\u00eb luft\u00ebs p\u00ebr t\u00eb drejtat e pakicave komb\u00ebtare nga nj\u00eb sfer\u00eb e ngusht\u00eb\npolitike n\u00eb nj\u00eb plan m\u00eb t\u00eb gj\u00ebr\u00eb shoq\u00ebror. P\u00ebrkundrazi, partit\u00eb etnopolitike t\u00eb\npakicave nuk kan\u00eb gjasa dhe shpresa t\u00eb m\u00ebdha p\u00ebr sukses n\u00eb zgjidhjen e \u00e7\u00ebshtjes\ns\u00eb pakicave komb\u00ebtare.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

T\u00eb p\u00ebrfundoj: etnifikimi i politik\u00ebs dhe jo\nmultikulturalizmi si i till\u00eb, \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00ebra nga sfidat m\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebdha p\u00ebr\ndemokracin\u00eb bashk\u00ebkohore. Teoria demokratike moderne nuk ka p\u00ebrgjigje adekuate\np\u00ebr \u00e7\u00ebshtjet t\u00eb cilat dalin nga procesi i politizimit t\u00eb etnicitetit dhe t\u00eb\netnifikimit t\u00eb politik\u00ebs. P\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb arsye, si zgjidhje optimale mund t\u00eb jet\u00eb\nzhvillimi i etnicitetit civil, n\u00eb vend t\u00eb etnicitetit t\u00eb politizuar nacional \u2013\ndhe ajo duhet t\u00eb vlej\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb gjitha grupet etnike, pavar\u00ebsisht se a u p\u00ebrkasin\nkombeve shumic\u00eb apo pakicave komb\u00ebtare.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

NIK\u00cb GASHAJ                                       Ngritja e masave dhe kriza e elitave Shekulli XX ka filluar n\u00eb shenj\u00eb t\u00eb zgjimit t\u00eb masave, kurse themeluesit e psikologjis\u00eb dhe sociologjis\u00eb s\u00eb masave, sikurse thot\u00eb profesori Serge Moskovici, nga universiteti i Cambridges kan\u00eb qen\u00eb t\u00eb bindur se masat do t\u00eb triumfojn\u00eb. Mir\u00ebpo, ka ndodh\u00eb q\u00eb, nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb e madhe…<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":9003,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[3],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-9002","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-politike"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/revistakuvendi.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/9002","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/revistakuvendi.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/revistakuvendi.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/revistakuvendi.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/revistakuvendi.org\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcomments&post=9002"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/revistakuvendi.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/9002\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":9004,"href":"https:\/\/revistakuvendi.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/9002\/revisions\/9004"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/revistakuvendi.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/media\/9003"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/revistakuvendi.org\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fmedia&parent=9002"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/revistakuvendi.org\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcategories&post=9002"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/revistakuvendi.org\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Ftags&post=9002"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}