{"id":758,"date":"2012-05-12T09:55:20","date_gmt":"2012-05-12T09:55:20","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/revistakuvendi.org\/?p=758"},"modified":"2012-05-12T09:56:11","modified_gmt":"2012-05-12T09:56:11","slug":"a-ka-nje-te-ardhme-per-ballkanin-perendimor-ne-be","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/revistakuvendi.org\/?p=758","title":{"rendered":"A ka nj\u00eb t\u00eb ardhme p\u00ebr Ballkanin Per\u00ebndimor n\u00eb BE?"},"content":{"rendered":"<p><strong><br \/>\n<a href=\"http:\/\/revistakuvendi.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2012\/05\/sherlly1.jpg\"><img loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignleft size-medium wp-image-760\" title=\"sherlly\" src=\"http:\/\/revistakuvendi.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2012\/05\/sherlly1-300x199.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"300\" height=\"199\" srcset=\"https:\/\/revistakuvendi.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2012\/05\/sherlly1-300x199.jpg 300w, https:\/\/revistakuvendi.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2012\/05\/sherlly1.jpg 641w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 300px) 100vw, 300px\" \/><\/a>Konferenca e 6-t\u00eb Nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare e EUCE-s\u00eb \u2014 Dalhousie University, Halifax, Canada<\/strong><\/p>\n<p><strong>\u00a0<\/strong><\/p>\n<p><strong>Abstrakt:<\/strong><\/p>\n<p><strong>\u00a0<\/strong><\/p>\n<p><strong>Titulli: \u201cA ka nj\u00eb t\u00eb ardhme p\u00ebr Ballkanin Per\u00ebndimor n\u00eb BE?\u201d<\/strong><\/p>\n<p><strong>\u00a0<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Shirley Cloyes DioGuardi<\/p>\n<p>Balkan Affairs Adviser<!--more--><strong><\/strong><\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p>Kroacia do t\u2019i bashkangjitet BE-s\u00eb m\u00eb 2013. Mir\u00ebpo, a duhet q\u00eb edhe vendet e tjera t\u00eb Ballkanit Per\u00ebndimor, t\u00eb cilat kan\u00eb dalur nga m\u00ebse pes\u00ebdhjet\u00eb vite t\u00eb diktatur\u00ebs komuniste pas Luft\u00ebs t\u00eb Dyt\u00eb Bot\u00ebrore, t\u00eb p\u00ebrcjellura mandej nga spastrimi etnik dhe gjenocidi i viteve t\u00eb 1990-ta, t\u00eb pranohen n\u00eb BE n\u00eb nj\u00eb t\u00eb ardhme t\u00eb af\u00ebrt? Ky punim argumenton se Shqip\u00ebria, Bosnja, dhe Kosova s\u00eb pari duhet t\u00eb b\u00ebjn\u00eb reforma t\u00eb rend\u00ebsishme para se t\u2019u jepet statusi kandidat dhe se Maqedonia, Mali i Zi dhe Serbia duhet t\u00eb b\u00ebjn\u00eb po t\u00eb njejt\u00ebn para se me to t\u00eb fillojn\u00eb negociatat e bashkimit.<\/p>\n<p>N\u00eb mars 2000, nj\u00eb vit pasi q\u00eb luftrat n\u00eb Ballkan p\u00ebrfunduan, K\u00ebshilli Evropian n\u00eb Lisbon\u00eb e b\u00ebri prioritet n\u00ebnshkrimin e Marr\u00ebveshjeve t\u00eb Stabilizim-Asociimit me vendet e Ballkanit Per\u00ebndimor si nj\u00eb hap primar drejt integrimit n\u00eb BE. Cdo vit q\u00eb nga at\u00ebher\u00eb, Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb dhe vendeve t\u00eb ish-Jugosllavis\u00eb iu \u00ebsht\u00eb dh\u00ebn\u00eb perspektiva e an\u00ebtar\u00ebsimit n\u00eb BE si nj\u00eb stimulim p\u00ebr t\u00eb parandaluar konflite t\u00eb reja dhe p\u00ebr t\u00eb vendosur demokraci reale. Mir\u00ebpo, m\u00eb 2012, dymb\u00ebdhjet\u00eb vite m\u00eb von\u00eb, ndryshimet nuk kan\u00eb qen\u00eb aq gjith\u00eb p\u00ebrfshir\u00ebse sa q\u00eb t\u00eb garantojn\u00eb integrimin n\u00eb nj\u00eb bashk\u00ebsi q\u00eb po k\u00ebrc\u00ebnohet nga kolapsi financiar n\u00eb Per\u00ebndim dhe nga ajo q\u00eb tani po kuptohet si integrim i pamatur i Greqis\u00eb n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb bashk\u00ebsi.<\/p>\n<p>Edhepse Serbia ka b\u00ebr\u00eb progres dometh\u00ebn\u00ebs n\u00eb zhvillimin e ekonomis\u00eb s\u00eb tregut t\u00eb lire dhe n\u00eb largimin e korrupsionit dhe vendosjen e sundimit t\u00eb ligjit, d\u00ebshtimi i saj p\u00ebr t\u00eb zgjidhur marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet me Kosov\u00ebn e b\u00ebri BE-n\u00eb, me insistimin e Kancelar\u00ebs s\u00eb Gjermanis\u00eb Angela Merkel, q\u00eb t\u00eb shtyej\u00eb dh\u00ebnien e statusit kandidat q\u00eb fillimisht ishte planifikuar t\u2019i jepej Serbis\u00eb qysh n\u00eb Dhjetor 2011. (Serbis\u00eb iu dha statusi kandidat n\u00eb Mars 2012). Maqedonia dhe Mali i Zi q\u00eb vec e kan\u00eb statusin kandidat (nga viti 2005 e 2010 respektivisht) jan\u00eb t\u00eb lodhura nga korrupsioni, institucionet e dob\u00ebta shtet\u00ebrore, varf\u00ebria, dhe besimi i ul\u00ebt publik n\u00eb qeveri. N\u00eb t\u00eb dyja k\u00ebto vende, po ashtu, ka marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnie konfliktuoze n\u00eb mes popullsive dominuese sllave dhe shqiptar\u00ebve etnik, si dhe pushteti \u00ebsht\u00eb i koncentruar n\u00eb duart\u00eb e nj\u00eb grupi t\u00eb vog\u00ebl elitash politike nga t\u00eb dyja grupet.<\/p>\n<p>Shtetet e Bashkuara dhe BE-ja i kan\u00eb kontribuar prezenc\u00ebs t\u00eb st\u00ebrzgjatur nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare ne rajon dhe moszgjidhjes p\u00ebrfundimtare t\u00eb konfliktit n\u00eb Ballkanin Per\u00ebndimor. Marr\u00ebveshja e Dejtonit e vitit 1995 e ndau pushtetin ne Bosnje n\u00eb vija etnike, dhe Marr\u00ebveshja e Kumanov\u00ebs e vitit 1999 i dha fund luft\u00ebs gjenocidiale t\u00eb Millosheviqit n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb, mir\u00ebpo e la Kosov\u00ebn pa nj\u00eb zgjidhje p\u00ebrfundimtare politike. N\u00eb n\u00ebd\u00ebrkoh\u00eb, Serbia, e papengua nga Per\u00ebndimi, n\u00eb nj\u00eb mas t\u00eb madhe ka sh\u00ebrbyer si nj\u00eb force destruktive n\u00eb t\u00eb dyja k\u00ebto vende. N\u00eb Bosnje, Serbia ka p\u00ebrkrahur Republika Srpska n\u00eb procesin e diskriminimit kundrejt jo-serb\u00ebve dhe n\u00eb refuzimin e autoritetit qendror t\u00eb qeveris\u00eb federale. Kurse n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb, Serbia ka financuar strukturat paralele ekonomike dhe politike ne veri t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs t\u00eb drejtuara nga ektremist\u00eb nga Beogradi me q\u00ebllim t\u00eb b\u00ebrjes de jure t\u00eb ndarjes de facto t\u00eb veriut t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs t\u00eb dominuar nga serb\u00ebt.<\/p>\n<p>M\u00eb n\u00eb fund, Shqip\u00ebria \u00ebsht\u00eb ngulfatur n\u00eb nj\u00eb ballafaqim politik n\u00eb mes Partis\u00eb Demokratike dhe asaj Socialiste, gj\u00eb q\u00eb e ka parandaluar progresin n\u00eb vend dhe e ka l\u00ebn\u00eb shumic\u00ebn e popullit n\u00eb varf\u00ebri q\u00eb nga r\u00ebnja e diktatur\u00ebs komuniste n\u00eb vitin 1992. Andaj, integrimi i Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb n\u00eb BE me t\u00eb drejt\u00eb ka stagnuar.<\/p>\n<p>Konfliktet e st\u00ebrzgjatura politike, d\u00ebshtimi p\u00ebr t\u00eb respektuar t\u00eb drejtat e njeriut t\u00eb minoriteteve, korrupsioni qeveritar dhe i gjyq\u00ebsis\u00eb, varf\u00ebria n\u00eb nj\u00ebr\u00ebn an\u00eb dhe pasuria e madhe e elitave politike n\u00eb Ballkanin Per\u00ebndimor jan\u00eb n\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtim me kriteret e Kopenhag\u00ebs p\u00ebr an\u00ebtar\u00ebsim n\u00eb BE. Integrimi i k\u00ebtyre vendeve n\u00eb BE para se ato t\u00eb nd\u00ebrmarrin reformat e duhura do t\u00eb d\u00ebmtonte vizionin e BE-s\u00eb si t\u00eb pandar\u00eb e n\u00eb paqe. Ky vision duhet t\u00eb jet\u00eb objektivi final, mir\u00ebpo sic do t\u00eb v\u00eb n\u00eb pah ky punim, BE duhet t\u00eb nd\u00ebrmarr\u00eb disa hapa q\u00eb sigurojn\u00eb se integrimi i vendeve t\u00eb Ballkanit Per\u00ebndimor do t\u00eb ndodh\u00eb vet\u00ebm at\u00ebher\u00eb kur principet e BE-s\u00eb do t\u00eb arrihen nga to.<\/p>\n<p>Tutje, BE-ja duhet t\u00eb marr\u00eb pjes\u00eb e p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsis\u00eb p\u00ebr destabilizimin e Kosov\u00ebs dhe Bosnjes dhe duhet t\u00eb ndryshoj\u00eb kursin e politikes s\u00eb jashtme drejt\u00eb Ballkanit. Kjo n\u00ebnkupton njohjen e pavar\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs (edhe nga ato pes\u00eb vendet q\u00eb ende nuk e kan\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb), ashtu q\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs t\u2019i mund\u00ebsohet an\u00ebtar\u00ebsimi n\u00eb OKB dhe p\u00ebrfundimi i mbikqyrjes nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare. Kjo po ashtu do t\u00eb n\u00ebnkuptonte edhe kund\u00ebrshtimin e fuqish\u00ebm ndaj p\u00ebrpjekjeve t\u00eb Republika Srpska p\u00ebr t\u2019u ndar\u00eb nga Bosnja si dhe p\u00ebrkushtimin p\u00ebr t\u00eb fuqizuar qeverin\u00eb qendrore t\u00eb Bosnjes. Mbi t\u00eb gjitha, BE-ja duhet t\u00eb b\u00ebj\u00eb t\u00eb mund\u00ebshme ngjalljen e l\u00ebvizjeve v\u00ebrtet\u00eb demokratike n\u00eb Ballkanin Per\u00ebndimor duke p\u00ebrkrahur sundimin e ligjit dhe eliminimin e kultur\u00ebs s\u00eb paprekshm\u00ebris\u00eb s\u00eb elitave t\u00eb korruptuara politike.<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p><strong>EUCE 6<sup>th<\/sup> annual research conference\u2014Dalhousie University, Halifax, Canada<\/strong><\/p>\n<p><strong>\u00a0<\/strong><strong>Abstract:<\/strong><\/p>\n<p><strong>\u00a0<\/strong><strong>Subject: \u201cIs There a Future for the Western Balkans in the European Union?\u201d<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p>Croatiawill join the European Union in 2013. But should the rest of the countries in the Western Balkans, which emerged from fifty years of Communist dictatorship after World War II, followed by ethnic cleansing and genocide in the 1990s, be admitted into the union in the near future? This paper will argue thatAlbania,Bosnia, and Kosova must first make significant reforms before they are given candidate status and thatMacedonia,Montenegro, andSerbiamust do the same before they are given accession negotiations.<\/p>\n<p>In March 2000, a year after the Balkan wars ended, the Lisbon European Council made it a priority to sign Stabilization and Association Agreements with countries in the Western Balkans as a first step to EU integration. Every year since,Albaniaand the countries of the Former Yugoslavia have been given the prospect of EU membership as a stimulus to preventing future conflicts and to establishing genuine democracies. But in 2012, twelve years later, the changes have not been wide-ranging enough to warrant integration into a union that is already severely threatened by the collapse of the financial markets in the West and by what is now understood as the premature inclusion ofGreece.<\/p>\n<p>Although Serbia has made substantial progress in developing a free market economy and gains in stamping out corruption and establishing the rule of law, its failure to resolve its adversarial relations with Kosova led the EU, at the direction of German Chancellor Angela Merkel, to postpone granting Serbia candidacy status, which originally was scheduled for December 2011. (Serbiawas ultimately granted candidate status in March 2012.) Macedonia and Montenegro, which have already received candidate status (in 2005 and 2010, respectively), are plagued by rampant corruption, weak state institutions, widespread poverty, and little public trust in government. There is also ongoing strife in both countries between political parties representing the dominant Slav populations and those representing ethnic Albanians, and power is concentrated in the hands of a small number of political elites in both groups.<\/p>\n<p>TheUnited Statesand the European Union have contributed to protracted international presence and unresolved conflict in the Western Balkans. The Dayton Peace Accords of 1995 divided political power in Bosnia along ethnic lines, and the Kumanova Agreement of 1999 ended Slobodan Milosevic\u2019s genocidal war against Kosova, but left Kosova\u2019s final status unresolved. At the same time,Serbia, largely unrestrained by the West, has served as a destructive force in both countries. InBosnia,Serbiahas supported Republika Srpska in its discrimination against non-Serbs and rejection of the authority of the central government. And inKosova,Serbiahas financed parallel political and economic structures in northern Kosova run byBelgradeextremists with the goal of making de jure the de facto partition of the Serbian dominated north.<\/p>\n<p>Finally, Albania has been locked in a political struggle between Democratic and Socialist parties that has thwarted progress and left the majority of the population impoverished<\/p>\n<p>since the fall of the Communist dictatorship in 1992.Albania\u2019s admission to the European Union has rightly been put on hold.<\/p>\n<p>Protracted political conflicts, failure to respect the human rights of minorities, government and judicial corruption, and pervasive poverty side by side the excessive wealth of the political elites in the Western Balkans violate theCopenhagencriteria for admission into the European Union. Integrating these countries into the union prior to substantial reform will threaten the vision of a whole, undivided, and peacefulEurope. That vision should be the end goal, but as this paper will argue, the European Union needs to take steps to ensure that, prior to integration the countries of the Western Balkans embrace the EU\u2019s principles.<\/p>\n<p>In addition, the European Union must acknowledge its share of the blame for destabilization in Kosova andBosniaand dramatically change its foreign policy toward the Balkans. This will include recognizing Kosova\u2019s independence (five EU member states still do not), allowing Kosova into the United Nations, and ending international presence there. It will also require a strong and unified opposition to Republika Srpska\u2019s efforts to secede fromBosniaand a commitment to strengtheningBosnia\u2019s central government. Above all, the European Union must make it possible for genuinely democratic political movements to emerge in the Western Balkans by supporting rule of law institutions and eliminating the culture of impunity for corrupt political elites.<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Konferenca e 6-t\u00eb Nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare e EUCE-s\u00eb \u2014 Dalhousie University, Halifax, Canada \u00a0 Abstrakt: \u00a0 Titulli: \u201cA ka nj\u00eb t\u00eb ardhme p\u00ebr Ballkanin Per\u00ebndimor n\u00eb BE?\u201d \u00a0 Shirley Cloyes DioGuardi Balkan Affairs Adviser<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[3],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-758","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-politike"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/revistakuvendi.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/758","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/revistakuvendi.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/revistakuvendi.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/revistakuvendi.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/revistakuvendi.org\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcomments&post=758"}],"version-history":[{"count":2,"href":"https:\/\/revistakuvendi.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/758\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":762,"href":"https:\/\/revistakuvendi.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/758\/revisions\/762"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/revistakuvendi.org\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fmedia&parent=758"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/revistakuvendi.org\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcategories&post=758"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/revistakuvendi.org\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Ftags&post=758"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}