{"id":6061,"date":"2016-04-27T01:40:21","date_gmt":"2016-04-27T01:40:21","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/revistakuvendi.org\/?p=6061"},"modified":"2016-04-27T10:17:12","modified_gmt":"2016-04-27T10:17:12","slug":"vecanesia-amerikane-sot","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/revistakuvendi.org\/?p=6061","title":{"rendered":"VE\u00c7AN\u00cbSIA AMERIKANE SOT"},"content":{"rendered":"

\"ernest<\/a>\u00a0Nga Dr. Ernest Nasto*<\/p>\n

Shtetet e Bashkuara jan\u00eb, si\u00e7 dihet, n\u00eb kulmin e faz\u00ebs primare t\u00eb fushat\u00ebs s\u00eb sivjetme presidenciale, dhe nj\u00eb nga rrymat e n\u00ebndheshme m\u00eb t\u00eb fuqishme t\u00eb debatit \u00ebsht\u00eb ajo e\u00a0 ve\u00e7an\u00ebsis\u00eb (exceptionalism<\/em>) amerikane. Kjo nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb pjes\u00eb e debatit n\u00eb vetvete, por implikohet thuajse kudo, si p.sh. n\u00eb ankimet e kandidatit republikan Trump se \u201cs\u2019po fitojm\u00eb m\u00eb\u201d, q\u00eb p\u00ebr mb\u00ebshtet\u00ebsit e tij p\u00ebrkthehet n\u00eb \u201cAmerika s\u2019\u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb ajo e para, krejt e ve\u00e7ant\u00eb p\u00ebr nga fuqia e pasuria e saj\u201d, apo n\u00eb akuzat, kryesisht konservatore, ndaj presidentit Obama se ka nd\u00ebrmarr\u00eb nj\u00eb transformim rr\u00ebnj\u00ebsor p\u00ebr ta b\u00ebr\u00eb Amerik\u00ebn si gjith\u00eb t\u00eb tjer\u00ebt. Ajo \u00ebsht\u00eb e pranishme edhe n\u00eb thirrjet e shpeshta t\u00eb kandidatit demokrat Sanders q\u00eb Amerika t\u00eb jet\u00eb m\u00eb e hapur, e t\u00eb adoptoj\u00eb disa tipare t\u00eb shoq\u00ebrive europiane, sidomos atyre nordike, pra t\u00eb b\u00ebhet si t\u00eb tjer\u00ebt. Dhe pavar\u00ebsisht nga kuptimet e ndryshme q\u00eb i jan\u00eb dh\u00ebn\u00eb nocionit t\u00eb ve\u00e7an\u00ebsis\u00eb amerikane p\u00ebrgjat\u00eb historis\u00eb, tipare t\u00eb saj kan\u00eb qen\u00eb kurdoher\u00eb besimi fetar, patriotizmi dhe sistemi i sip\u00ebrmarrjes s\u00eb lir\u00eb, ose n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrmbledhur \u201cZoti, flamuri dhe tregu i lir\u00eb\u201d. Por k\u00ebtu duam t\u00eb ndalemi fillimisht n\u00eb nj\u00eb v\u00ebshtrim historik t\u00eb k\u00ebsaj ve\u00e7an\u00ebsie, q\u00eb vjen nga baza t\u00eb thella besimtare, dhe q\u00eb mish\u00ebrohet n\u00eb disa aspekte themelore t\u00eb kuptimit t\u00eb vetvetes nga amerikan\u00ebt, nj\u00eb nga m\u00eb kryesoret e t\u00eb cilave \u00ebsht\u00eb ideja e Amerik\u00ebs si vendi i destinuar t\u00eb sjell\u00eb mbi tok\u00eb epok\u00ebn e lumtur mij\u00ebvje\u00e7are.<\/strong><\/p>\n

Ideja e vendit, apo kombit, t\u00eb mileniumit \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb fakt nj\u00eb nga idet\u00eb themelore m\u00eb t\u00eb fuqishme t\u00eb nd\u00ebrgjegjes komb\u00ebtare amerikane, me implikime t\u00eb thella p\u00ebrgjat\u00eb gjith\u00eb historis\u00eb s\u00eb tyre, dhe e cila n\u00eb thelb n\u00ebnkupton q\u00eb Shtetet e Bashkuara do t\u00eb ndri\u00e7onin bot\u00ebn me idealet e liris\u00eb, drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb, vullnetit t\u00eb mire e vet\u00ebqeverisjes demokratike, duke udh\u00ebhequr gjith\u00eb njer\u00ebzimin drejt epok\u00ebs s\u00eb art\u00eb t\u00eb fundit t\u00eb historis\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Koncepti i mij\u00ebvje\u00e7arit e ka origjin\u00ebn n\u00eb p\u00ebrfytyrimet e hebrejve dhe m\u00eb von\u00eb, t\u00eb kristian\u00ebve, p\u00ebr fundin e historis\u00eb, e sidomos n\u00eb shpres\u00ebn e ushqyer n\u00eb vazhdim\u00ebsi nga judaizmi i lasht\u00eb p\u00ebr Shp\u00ebtimtarin (Mesin\u00eb) q\u00eb do t\u00eb vinte nj\u00eb dit\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u00eb inauguruar nj\u00eb epok\u00eb t\u00eb paqes, drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb e virtytit. Ky p\u00ebrshkrim i mbret\u00ebrise s\u00eb Zotit n\u00eb Tok\u00eb, apo i epok\u00ebs s\u00eb lumtur nj\u00ebmij\u00ebvje\u00e7are, shprehet n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn m\u00eb t\u00eb detajuar n\u00eb kapitullin 11 t\u00eb librit biblik t\u00eb profetit Isaia, si edhe n\u00eb kapitullin 20 t\u00eb librit t\u00eb Zbules\u00ebs.<\/p>\n

K\u00ebto dy pasazhe ishin baza kryesore e vizionit t\u00eb epok\u00ebs mij\u00ebvje\u00e7are, t\u00eb cilin disa e kuptonin si nj\u00eb periudh\u00eb po aq t\u00eb gjat\u00eb, nd\u00ebrsa t\u00eb tjer\u00eb si nj\u00eb simbol t\u00eb nj\u00eb epoke t\u00eb art\u00eb pa ndonj\u00eb gjat\u00ebsi t\u00eb p\u00ebrcaktuar. N\u00eb \u00e7do rast, shpresa p\u00ebr nj\u00eb epok\u00eb t\u00eb lumtur n\u00eb fund t\u00eb historis\u00eb ka qen\u00eb nj\u00eb leitmotiv i fuqish\u00ebm gjat\u00eb gjith\u00eb historis\u00eb s\u00eb kristianizmit, pavar\u00ebsisht se m\u00ebnyrat se si mendohej realizimi i saj n\u00eb praktik\u00eb kan\u00eb ndryshuar gjat\u00eb asaj historie. Deri n\u00eb shekujt XVII-XVIII njer\u00ebzit mendonin se fillimi i mileniumit varej t\u00ebr\u00ebsisht nga sovraniteti hyjnor dhe njeriu vet\u00eb s\u2019mund t\u00eb kishte asnj\u00eb ndikim mbi t\u00eb, por pastaj filozofia iluministe hapi perspektiva t\u00eb reja n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn se si njer\u00ebzit e shihnin t\u00eb ardhmen, dhe zhvillimi i shkenc\u00ebs dukej sikur po e rriste n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb vazhdueshme ndikimin e njeriut mbi fatin e vet, n\u00eb nj\u00eb mas\u00eb t\u00eb paimagjinuar kurr\u00eb m\u00eb par\u00eb. Shum\u00eb shpresa filluan t\u00eb p\u00ebrvijohen se ndoshta nj\u00eb dit\u00eb do t\u00eb mund t\u00eb mposhtej s\u00ebmundja, apo edhe t\u00eb ndaloheshin luftrat, e n\u00ebse kjo arrihej, at\u00ebhere s\u2019do t\u00eb ishte ve\u00e7se vet\u00eb epoka e art\u00eb e \u00ebnd\u00ebrruar prej paraardh\u00ebsve.<\/p>\n

Tashti e ve\u00e7anta e Amerik\u00ebs n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb aspekt ishte se kolonist\u00ebt e Anglis\u00eb s\u00eb Re filluan t\u00eb shpresonin n\u00eb fillimin e epok\u00ebs s\u00eb lumtur p\u00ebr ar\u00ebsye q\u00eb kishin t\u00eb b\u00ebnin m\u00eb tep\u00ebr me besimin e teologjin\u00eb se sa me shkenc\u00ebn, edukimin apo teknologjin\u00eb. Dhe ndikimin m\u00eb t\u00eb ndjesh\u00ebm e pati k\u00ebtu dukuria e quajtur Zgjimi i Madh n\u00eb vitet \u201930 \u2013 \u201940 t\u00eb shekullit XVIII, q\u00eb ishte nj\u00eb ringjallje e besimit kristian n\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha kolonit\u00eb amerikane. N\u00ebn drejtimin e predikuesve si Whitefield dhe Edwards, l\u00ebvizja p\u00ebrftoi nj\u00eb zell masiv e t\u00eb ethsh\u00ebm besimtar, t\u00eb papar\u00eb deri at\u00ebher\u00eb, i cili me koh\u00eb u b\u00eb aq impresiv, saq\u00eb shum\u00eb mendonin se mos pik\u00ebrisht kjo ishte fillimi i asaj \u00e7ka thuhej n\u00eb Shkrimin e Shenjt\u00eb p\u00ebr epok\u00ebn mij\u00ebvje\u00e7are. Vet\u00eb Jonathan Edwards, teologu m\u00eb i famsh\u00ebm i kolonive, hodhi m\u00eb 1742 iden\u00eb e guximshme se \u201dnuk \u00ebsht\u00eb e pamundur q\u00eb kjo vep\u00ebr e Shpirtit t\u00eb Shenjt\u00eb, kaq e jasht\u00ebzakonshme dhe e mrekullueshme, t\u00eb jet\u00eb agimi, ose t\u00eb pakten preludi i asaj vepre t\u00eb lavdishme t\u00eb Zotit, p\u00ebr t\u00eb cil\u00ebn flitet shpesh n\u00eb Shkrimet, dhe avancimi e kuror\u00ebzimi i s\u00eb cil\u00ebs do t\u00eb rip\u00ebrt\u00ebrij\u00eb gjith\u00eb njer\u00ebzimin. Ar\u00ebsyeja s\u2019na lejon t\u00eb mendojm\u00eb ndryshe\u201d.<\/p>\n

P\u00ebr Edwards e p\u00ebr bashk\u00ebkoh\u00ebsit e tij, Zgjimi i Madh s\u2019ishte ve\u00e7se nj\u00eb aspekt i betej\u00ebs kozmike p\u00ebrfundimtare t\u00eb Armageddon-it, p\u00ebrshkruar n\u00eb kapitullin 16 t\u00eb Zbules\u00ebs, q\u00eb do t\u00eb thoshte se n\u00ebp\u00ebrmjet rigjall\u00ebrimit t\u00eb zellit besimtar, kolonist\u00ebt po punonin krah p\u00ebr krah me Zotin p\u00ebr t\u2019i shkaktuar disfat\u00eb Satanit. Mb\u00ebshtetur n\u00eb pasazhet biblike q\u00eb p\u00ebrmend\u00ebm, si edhe n\u00eb disa t\u00eb tjera, kolonist\u00ebt besonin me Edwards se l\u00ebvizja e zgjimit do t\u00eb ishte pik\u00ebnisja e epok\u00ebs s\u00eb art\u00eb, dhe ajo do t\u00eb ndodhte pik\u00ebrisht n\u00eb \u201dbot\u00ebn e re\u201d, e ashtu shpresat e tyre arrit\u00ebn kulmin n\u00eb fillim t\u00eb viteve \u201940, kur edhe rigjall\u00ebrimi arriti nj\u00eb intensifikim t\u00eb papar\u00eb. Por pastaj, m\u00eb 1743, e disi papritur, l\u00ebvizja e humbi dinamik\u00ebn e saj dhe shpejt u shua krejt. N\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtim me t\u00eb gjitha shpresat, bota s\u2019kishte ndryshuar, e keqja dhe padrejt\u00ebsia ishin p\u00ebrs\u00ebri t\u00eb pranishme kudo, dhe dukej se mij\u00ebvje\u00e7ari i lumtur ishte b\u00ebr\u00eb p\u00ebrs\u00ebri nj\u00eb \u00ebnd\u00ebrr e larg\u00ebt.<\/p>\n

M\u00eb von\u00eb, shp\u00ebrthimi i luft\u00ebs nd\u00ebrmjet Anglis\u00eb dhe Franc\u00ebs ringjalli ndjesh\u00ebm shpresat e kolonist\u00ebve p\u00ebr betej\u00ebn finale dhe fillimin e mileniumit. Lufta ishte p\u00ebr kontrollin mbi hap\u00ebsir\u00ebn e virgj\u00ebr t\u00eb Amerik\u00ebs Veriore, mir\u00ebpo kolonist\u00ebt e lidh\u00ebn at\u00eb me mileniumin, sepse si protestant\u00eb, ata e shikonin veten n\u00eb an\u00ebn e Krishtit, nd\u00ebrsa Franc\u00ebn katolike n\u00eb an\u00ebn e Antikrishtit. K\u00ebshtu lufta n\u00eb fjal\u00eb u dukej atyre si front i dyt\u00eb i betej\u00ebs s\u00eb madhe kozmike, por p\u00ebrs\u00ebri, me mbarimin e luft\u00ebs m\u00eb 1763 rezultati ishte zhg\u00ebnjyes, sepse epoka e art\u00eb ende s\u2019dukej t\u00eb kishte aguar gj\u00ebkundi. Megjithat\u00eb kolonistet vazhduan t\u00eb shpresonin, dhe kjo \u00ebshte e kuptueshme po t\u00eb mos harrojm\u00eb sa shum\u00eb koh\u00eb dhe energji i ishte kushtuar nj\u00eb shprese t\u00eb till\u00eb prej fillimit t\u00eb shekullit XVIII.<\/p>\n

M\u00eb n\u00eb fund, m\u00eb 1776, Amerika shpalli pavar\u00ebsin\u00eb nga Perandoria Britanike, Revolucioni Amerikan u kuror\u00ebzua me sukses dhe pas pak vjet\u00ebsh Kushtetuta zyrtarizoi lindjen e Shteteve t\u00eb Bashkuara. N\u00eb lidhje me tem\u00ebn q\u00eb po trajtojm\u00eb duhet sh\u00ebnuar se Revolucioni dhe lindja e republik\u00ebs s\u00eb re i dha vizionit milenialist nj\u00eb gjall\u00ebrim t\u00eb pakrahasuesh\u00ebm me asgj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr m\u00eb par\u00eb, e k\u00ebt\u00eb rradh\u00eb ai nuk u fashit, si\u00e7 kish ndodhur n\u00eb t\u00eb kaluar\u00ebn, por vazhdoi t\u00eb forcohej gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb shum\u00eb. Nj\u00eb mas\u00eb e madhe amerikan\u00ebsh ishin t\u00eb bindur se krijimi i Shteteve t\u00eb Bashkuara ishte n\u00eb mos lan\u00e7imi i epok\u00ebs s\u00eb art\u00eb, t\u00eb pakt\u00ebn pragu i saj iminent, dhe kjo p\u00ebr disa ar\u00ebsye q\u00eb dukeshin fare t\u00eb qarta e t\u00eb padiskutueshme.<\/p>\n

S\u00eb pari, vet\u00eb natyra dhe toka e kontinentit t\u00eb ri i linin goj\u00ebhapur t\u00eb ardhurit e shumt\u00eb, ajo dukej aq e past\u00ebr dhe e virgj\u00ebr n\u00eb krahasim me Europ\u00ebn e ndotur e t\u00eb mbipopulluar, si kopshti i Edenit i sapokrijuar nga dora e Per\u00ebndis\u00eb. Edhe filozofi anglez John Locke v\u00ebrejti se \u201cn\u00eb fillim e gjith\u00eb bota ishte Amerik\u00eb\u201d.<\/p>\n

Por nj\u00eb ar\u00ebsye tjet\u00ebr m\u00eb e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme ishte se shteti i sapoformuar u garantonte qytetar\u00ebve liri aq t\u00eb m\u00ebdha sa s\u2019mund t\u00eb \u00ebnd\u00ebrroheshin kurr\u00eb n\u00eb Europ\u00ebn e l\u00ebn\u00eb pas. Liria e plot\u00eb e mendimit, e fjal\u00ebs dhe e shtypit, e besimit dhe e organizimit kishtar, e kombinuar edhe me t\u00eb drejt\u00ebn e qytetar\u00ebve p\u00ebr t\u00eb zgjedhur presidentin e vendit dhe funksionar\u00ebt e niveleve t\u00eb ndryshme u dukeshin me t\u00eb drejt\u00eb amerikan\u00ebve tipare absolutisht revolucionare e t\u00eb pad\u00ebgjuara. Prej k\u00ebtej edhe bindja e patundur n\u00eb fillimin e epok\u00ebs mij\u00ebvje\u00e7are, e pasqyruar po ashtu edhe n\u00eb simbolet e shtetit t\u00eb ri, sidomos n\u00eb Vul\u00ebn e Madhe t\u00eb Shteteve t\u00eb Bashkuara, q\u00eb shihet n\u00eb an\u00ebn e pasme t\u00eb kartmonedh\u00ebs nj\u00ebdollar\u00ebshe. Aty paraqitet nj\u00eb piramid\u00eb e pambaruar, ngritur n\u00eb mes t\u00eb shkret\u00ebtir\u00ebs, me vitin fam\u00ebmadh t\u00eb shp\u00ebrthimit t\u00eb Revolucionit, 1776, gdhendur n\u00eb bazamentin e saj. Piramida p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebson projektin amerikan dhe ar\u00ebsyeja q\u00eb ajo \u00ebsht\u00eb e pambaruar \u00ebsht\u00eb sepse i till\u00eb konsiderohej edhe projekti n\u00eb fjal\u00eb, pra nj\u00eb proces n\u00eb vazhdim. Dhe aspekti m\u00eb interesant \u00ebsht\u00eb se toka p\u00ebrreth paraqitet si nj\u00eb shkret\u00ebtir\u00eb e zveshur, q\u00eb do t\u00eb thot\u00eb as m\u00eb shum\u00eb e as m\u00eb pak, por vet\u00ebm q\u00eb qytet\u00ebrimet e kaluara, megjith\u00eb arritjet e lavdin\u00eb e tyre nuk ishin asgj\u00eb n\u00eb krahasim me arritjet q\u00eb prisnin qytet\u00ebrimin e ri amerikan. Skena v\u00ebzhgohet nga syri i Zotit dhe p\u00eblqimi i tij p\u00ebr t\u00ebr\u00eb projektin shprehet me fraz\u00ebn latinisht \u201dannuit coeptis\u201d dmth \u201dai (Zoti) mb\u00ebshtet pun\u00ebn ton\u00eb\u201d. Nd\u00ebrsa n\u00eb pjes\u00ebn e poshtme \u00ebsht\u00eb fraza ende m\u00eb intriguese \u201dnovus ordo seclorum\u201d dmth \u201dnj\u00eb rend i ri i koh\u00ebrave\u201d.<\/p>\n

Q\u00eb vendi i tyre t\u00eb ishte v\u00ebrtet i till\u00eb besohej me gjith\u00eb shpirt nga shum\u00eb amerikan\u00eb n\u00eb kap\u00ebrcyell t\u00eb shekujve XVIII \u2013 XIX. Bile jehona t\u00eb k\u00ebtij vizioni ndesheshin edhe para Revolucionit, si\u00e7 d\u00ebshmohet nga fjal\u00ebt e John Adams, nj\u00ebrit prej drejtuesve t\u00eb tij, m\u00eb 1765, kur ai shkruante se \u201dgjithmon\u00eb mahnitem me t\u00ebr\u00eb procesin e kolonizimit dhe popullimit t\u00eb Amerik\u00ebs, dhe e shoh at\u00eb si fillimin e nj\u00eb plani t\u00eb p\u00ebrsosur t\u00eb Providenc\u00ebs p\u00ebr ndri\u00e7imin e t\u00eb paditurve dhe \u00e7lirimin e t\u00eb skllav\u00ebruarve an\u00eb e mban\u00eb bot\u00ebs\u201d. Nd\u00ebrsa pas Revolucionit vizioni milenialist u b\u00eb i kudogjendur, me orator\u00ebt e predikuesit q\u00eb shpallnin se \u201dprofecia e [librit biblik t\u00eb] Danielit po realizohet p\u00ebrpara syve tan\u00eb\u201d, apo se \u201ddrita po lind n\u00eb Per\u00ebndim e po p\u00ebrhapet kudo, p\u00ebr t\u00eb ndri\u00e7uar gjithmon\u00eb e m\u00eb fort deri n\u00eb dit\u00ebn e lumtur\u201d. Amerika nuk shihej k\u00ebsisoj si nj\u00eb vend si gjith\u00eb t\u00eb tjer\u00ebt, i korruptuar nga koha e nga historia njer\u00ebzore, por si nj\u00eb vend t\u00ebr\u00ebsisht i ri dhe i ndrysh\u00ebm, e pra \u201di ve\u00e7ant\u00eb\u201d, q\u00eb do t\u00eb drejtonte e do t\u00eb bekonte t\u00eb gjith\u00eb t\u00eb tjer\u00ebt me shk\u00eblqimin dhe lavdin\u00eb e epok\u00ebs s\u00eb shum\u00ebpritur mij\u00ebvje\u00e7are.<\/p>\n

Duket nga t\u00eb gjitha k\u00ebto se besimi i amerikan\u00ebve n\u00eb qenien e vendit t\u00eb tyre si \u201di ve\u00e7ant\u00eb\u201d dhe \u201dunik\u201d n\u00eb historin\u00eb njer\u00ebzore vjen nga thell\u00ebsit\u00eb e koh\u00ebs, qysh nga fillimet e eksperimentit amerikan. Dhe \u00ebsht\u00eb gjithashtu mjaft interesante t\u00eb v\u00ebrehet edhe transformimi i konceptit t\u00eb realizimit praktik t\u00eb k\u00ebtij vizioni, i cili n\u00eb koh\u00ebn e Zgjimit t\u00eb Madh varej vet\u00ebm nga sovraniteti i Zotit. Pastaj m\u00eb von\u00eb, gjat\u00eb luft\u00ebs me Franc\u00ebn, lan\u00e7imi i epok\u00ebs s\u00eb lumtur varej nga sovraniteti i nj\u00ebr\u00ebs rrym\u00eb t\u00eb besimit kristian, protestantizmit, nd\u00ebrsa gjat\u00eb Revolucionit dhe fillimeve t\u00eb republik\u00ebs amerikane, vizioni milenialist kishte marr\u00eb nj\u00eb kuptim krejt t\u00eb ri, at\u00eb t\u00eb \u201dt\u00eb drejtave t\u00eb patjet\u00ebrsueshme\u201d. Sovraniteti kishte kaluar k\u00ebshtu t\u00ebr\u00ebsisht n\u00eb an\u00ebn e popullit, me t\u00eb drejtat e barabarta dhe demokracin\u00eb. Kjo tregon midis t\u00eb tjerash se vizioni i vjet\u00ebr i kolonist\u00ebve puritan\u00eb p\u00ebr nj\u00eb sistem teokratik t\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetur vet\u00ebm tek Bibla, ishte z\u00ebvend\u00ebsuar me vizionin e republik\u00ebs iluministe, t\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetur tek liria dhe vet\u00ebqeverisja demokratike.<\/p>\n

K\u00ebto shpresa e p\u00ebrfytyrime t\u00eb epok\u00ebs s\u00eb lumtur mij\u00ebvje\u00e7are nuk ishin karakteristike vet\u00ebm p\u00ebr fillimin e shekullit XIX, sepse ato jan\u00eb rigjall\u00ebruar her\u00eb pas here gjat\u00eb historis\u00eb s\u00eb m\u00ebvonshme t\u00eb Shteteve t\u00eb Bashkuara. Kjo ndodhi p.sh. edhe me angazhimin e tyre n\u00eb Luft\u00ebn I Bot\u00ebrore, kur nj\u00eb mas\u00eb e madhe besonin, s\u00ebbashku me presidentin Wilson, se ajo do t\u00eb ishte \u201dlufta q\u00eb do t\u2019u jepte fund luftrave\u201d, e ashtu nj\u00eb hap i madh vendimtar drejt fundit t\u00eb historis\u00eb. Por m\u00eb af\u00ebr dit\u00ebve tona kjo ndodhi edhe n\u00eb fillim t\u00eb viteve \u201990 kur r\u00ebnia e komunizmit shkaktoi nj\u00eb eufori t\u00eb pad\u00ebgjuar. V\u00ebrtet q\u00eb Lufta e Ftoht\u00eb kishte mbaruar plot\u00ebsisht me fitore p\u00ebr Amerik\u00ebn dhe Per\u00ebndimin, dhe komunizmi sovjetik nuk ishte m\u00eb nj\u00eb k\u00ebrc\u00ebnim i p\u00ebrhersh\u00ebm p\u00ebr ta, por amerikan\u00ebt nuk festonin vet\u00ebm k\u00ebto aspekte si t\u00eb thuash \u2018\u2018praktike\u2018\u2018 t\u00eb fitores. Ata festonin n\u00eb nj\u00eb mas\u00eb t\u00eb madhe edhe at\u00eb q\u00eb ata e shihnin si triumfin e pashmangsh\u00ebm t\u00eb vlerave themelore amerikane n\u00eb ato vende, p\u00ebrndryshe t\u00eb larg\u00ebta. Politikan\u00eb e komentator\u00eb t\u00eb shumt\u00eb parashikonin me plot besim se vendet e sapo\u00e7liruara nga komunizmi do t\u00eb perqafonin menj\u00ebher\u00eb demokracin\u00eb, kapitalizmin dhe aspekte t\u00eb tjera t\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00ebs amerikane t\u00eb jetes\u00ebs. Edhe presidenti George H.W. Bush shpalli n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kuad\u00ebr se ishte fjala p\u00ebr daljen e \u201dnj\u00eb rendi t\u00eb ri bot\u00ebror\u201d, nj\u00eb rend n\u00eb t\u00eb cilin fuqit\u00eb e m\u00ebdha do t\u00eb punonin s\u00ebbashku p\u00ebr t\u00eb siguruar paqen, p\u00ebr t\u2019i zgjidhur mosmarr\u00ebveshjet me bashk\u00ebpunim e jo me konfrontim. Ishte gjithashtu fjala p\u00ebr nj\u00eb bot\u00eb t\u00eb frym\u00ebzuar tej e ndan\u00eb nga idealet demokratike, dhe kryesisht nga shembulli amerikan. \u201dEuropa e transformuar, tha presidenti, i \u00ebsht\u00eb afruar sot si kurr\u00eb m\u00eb par\u00eb q\u00ebllimit t\u00eb saj historik t\u00eb liris\u00eb e demokracis\u00eb\u201d. Ky rend i ri do t\u00eb kishte si tipare themelore \u201djo vet\u00ebm bashk\u00ebsin\u00eb e interesave, por bashk\u00ebsin\u00eb e idealeve\u2026Idealet q\u00eb kan\u00eb b\u00ebr\u00eb t\u00eb mundur lul\u00ebzimin e liris\u00eb kudo n\u00eb bot\u00eb kan\u00eb pasur mish\u00ebrimin e tyre m\u00eb t\u00eb qart\u00eb e m\u00eb t\u00eb vendosur n\u00eb vendin ton\u00eb t\u00eb lavdish\u00ebm, Shtetet e Bashkuara\u2026 Askurr\u00eb m\u00eb par\u00eb bota s\u2019ka qen\u00eb kaq e p\u00ebrq\u00ebndruar tek shembulli amerikan. Askurr\u00eb m\u00eb par\u00eb ideja amerikane s\u2019ka mbushur me shpres\u00eb miliona kaq t\u00eb shumt\u00eb\u201d.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb k\u00ebto fjal\u00eb t\u00eb presidentit Bush pasqyrohen me plot qart\u00ebsi forca dhe jet\u00ebgjat\u00ebsia e vizionit milenialist, shkrir\u00eb nj\u00ebherazi edhe me ve\u00e7an\u00ebsin\u00eb amerikane. P\u00ebrndryshe, pa nj\u00eb k\u00ebndv\u00ebshtrim t\u00eb tille, nuk duket fort e kuptueshme se p\u00ebrse presidenti mendonte se vlerat amerikane do t\u00eb mbushnin boshll\u00ebkun e l\u00ebn\u00eb nga komunizmi, apo p\u00ebrse ai fliste n\u00eb fund t\u00eb fundit p\u00ebr nj\u00eb rend t\u00eb ri bot\u00ebror. Nd\u00ebrsa duke i vendosur k\u00ebto fjal\u00eb n\u00eb kontekstin historik t\u00eb ides\u00eb themelore amerikane t\u00eb vendit milenial, b\u00ebhet e qart\u00eb se p\u00ebrse n\u00eb imagjinat\u00ebn popullore Amerika \u00ebsht\u00eb mish\u00ebrimi i rendit t\u00eb ri bot\u00ebror. Nga nj\u00ebra an\u00eb ajo pasqyron vlera natyrore, t\u00eb vendosura nga vet\u00eb Zoti, dhe nga ana tjet\u00ebr ajo \u00ebsht\u00eb lajm\u00ebtarja e mileniumit t\u00eb lumtur, pik\u00ebrisht sepse vlerat e saj jan\u00eb n\u00eb thelb vlera t\u00eb natyrshme, t\u00eb panjollosura e t\u00eb pakorruptuara nga historia apo tradita njer\u00ebzore. Rendi i ri bot\u00ebror i presidentit Bush ishte k\u00ebsisoj nj\u00eb ide e vjet\u00ebr sa edhe vet\u00eb Amerika, dhe t\u00eb gjitha vlerat q\u00eb p\u00ebrmend\u00ebm b\u00ebjn\u00eb q\u00eb kjo e fundit t\u00eb jet\u00eb v\u00ebrtet \u201de ve\u00e7ant\u00eb\u201d n\u00eb historin\u00eb bot\u00ebrore. \u00a0 Nd\u00ebrkaq n\u00eb kontekstin e fushat\u00ebs s\u00eb sotme elektorale po bie n\u00eb sy dalja e dy kandidat\u00ebve t\u00eb cil\u00ebt v\u00ebn\u00eb n\u00eb pik\u00ebpyetje tipare themelore t\u00eb ve\u00e7an\u00ebsis\u00eb amerikane, sidoq\u00eb nga drejtime t\u00eb ndryshme. K\u00ebta jan\u00eb Trump p\u00ebr republikan\u00ebt e Sanders p\u00ebr demokrat\u00ebt, q\u00eb t\u00eb dy kandidat\u00eb jokonvencional\u00eb, gati-gati \u201drebel\u00eb\u201d, pra jasht\u00eb aparateve politike egzistuese t\u00eb t\u00eb dy partive kryesore. N\u00ebse e shohim debatin nga k\u00ebndv\u00ebshtrimi i ve\u00e7an\u00ebsis\u00eb amerikane, duket se Sanders m\u00ebton ta b\u00ebj\u00eb Amerik\u00ebn m\u00eb t\u00eb ngjashme me vendet e tjera, nd\u00ebrsa Trump k\u00ebrkon ta izoloj\u00eb, e ta mbaj\u00eb k\u00ebsisoj jo vet\u00ebm t\u00eb ve\u00e7ant\u00eb, por edhe ta b\u00ebj\u00eb v\u00ebrtet t\u00eb ve\u00e7uar nga bota. N\u00eb lidhje me tre aspektet q\u00eb p\u00ebrmend\u00ebm n\u00eb krye, Sanders duket se i sfidon t\u00eb treja sepse n\u00eb rradh\u00eb t\u00eb par\u00eb ai ka p\u00ebrqafuar hapur termin \u201dsocialist\u201d duke n\u00ebnkuptuar me k\u00ebt\u00eb nj\u00eb qasje socialdemokrate europer\u00ebndimore, sidomos t\u00eb tipit nordik, ndaj sistemit t\u00eb sip\u00ebrmarrjes s\u00eb lir\u00eb. Nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb vendi k\u00ebtu t\u00eb shqyrtojm\u00eb me holl\u00ebsi se sa e mundur \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb qasje e till\u00eb n\u00eb Amerik\u00ebn e sotme, por ajo q\u00eb duam t\u00eb theksojm\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb se p\u00ebrkrah\u00ebsit e tij nuk duket t\u00eb ken\u00eb ndonj\u00eb neveri t\u00eb madhe ndaj vet\u00eb termit, dhe nuk e lidhin at\u00eb detyrimisht me diktaturat komuniste t\u00eb Lindjes. Ata parap\u00eblqejn\u00eb k\u00ebshtu nj\u00eb Amerik\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb ngjashme me Europ\u00ebn, pra n\u00eb nj\u00eb far\u00eb kuptimi, jo t\u00eb ve\u00e7ant\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Edhe q\u00ebndrimi i Sanders ndaj besimit fetar \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb sfid\u00eb po aq e madhe ndaj ve\u00e7an\u00ebsis\u00eb amerikane sa edhe pik\u00ebpamjet e tij ekonomike. V\u00ebshtir\u00eb se mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrfytyrohej, deri vet\u00ebm pak vite m\u00eb pare, nj\u00eb kandidat kryesor p\u00ebr president q\u00eb t\u00eb mos ishte besimtar e t\u00eb mos e ushtronte hapur besimin e tij. Kjo sepse pik\u00ebrisht popullariteti i besimit \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb nga karakteristikat themelore t\u00eb Amerik\u00ebs e q\u00eb e dallon at\u00eb nga vendet e\u00a0 tjera t\u00eb zhvilluara per\u00ebndimore. Por edhe n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb aspekt socialisti i vjet\u00ebr Sanders pasqyron prirjen e pasuesve t\u00eb tij t\u00eb rinj, t\u00eb cil\u00ebt n\u00eb nj\u00eb mas\u00eb shum\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb theksuar se brezi i prind\u00ebrve t\u00eb tyre apo i vet\u00eb Sanders, refuzojn\u00eb identifikimin me nj\u00eb besim t\u00eb caktuar, prirje q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb rritje t\u00eb vazhdueshme e q\u00eb po e largon Amerik\u00ebn nga ve\u00e7an\u00ebsia e saj.<\/p>\n

Dhe m\u00eb n\u00eb fund Sanders ka sfiduar edhe nacionalizmin e hapur, q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr karakteristik\u00eb dalluese e kultur\u00ebs amerikane, por edhe k\u00ebtu ai shpreh prirjet e te njejtit grup te entuziasteve te tij, moshave t\u00eb reja, p\u00ebr t\u00eb qen\u00eb t\u00eb ndrysh\u00ebm nga brezat e m\u00ebparsh\u00ebm, duke u mjaftuar t\u00eb jen\u00eb patriot\u00eb, por jo doemos nacionalist\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Nd\u00ebrkaq n\u00eb an\u00ebn tjet\u00ebr t\u00eb spektrit politik, peizazhi \u00ebsht\u00eb i ndrysh\u00ebm, sepse p\u00ebr konservator\u00ebt n\u00eb p\u00ebrgjith\u00ebsi, e sidomos p\u00ebr pasuesit e Trump, ve\u00e7an\u00ebsia e Shteteve t\u00eb Bashkuara \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb gur themeltar i bot\u00ebkuptimit t\u00eb tyre, dhe pik\u00ebrisht t\u00eb kjo ve\u00e7an\u00ebsi q\u00ebndron lavdia e Amerik\u00ebs. Megjithat\u00eb duhet theksuar se Trump e ka \u00e7uar tep\u00ebr larg iden\u00eb tij t\u00eb ve\u00e7an\u00ebsise, pothuaj deri n\u00eb vetmi e izolim, n\u00eb nj\u00eb far\u00eb mend\u00ebsie t\u00eb k\u00ebshtjell\u00ebs s\u00eb fortifikuar. N\u00eb fakt e gjith\u00eb fushata e tij mb\u00ebshtetet n\u00eb premis\u00ebn se Shtetet e Bashkuara po infektohen nga ndikimet e jashtme, ai m\u00ebton t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtoj\u00eb nj\u00eb mur n\u00eb kufirin jugor p\u00ebr t\u00eb penguar hyrjen masive t\u00eb imigrant\u00ebve latinoamerikan\u00eb, e po ashtu k\u00ebrkon t\u00eb mbyll\u00eb p\u00ebrkoh\u00ebsisht kufijt\u00eb e Amerik\u00ebs p\u00ebr t\u00eb gjith\u00eb mysliman\u00ebt. Pjes\u00eb e k\u00ebsaj mend\u00ebsie ishte edhe p\u00ebrfshirja e tij si nj\u00eb z\u00eb kryesor n\u00eb korin e atyre q\u00eb shpallnin se Obama s\u2019kishte lindur n\u00eb Shtetet e Bashkuara, e prandaj s\u2019p\u00ebrmbushte kushtet p\u00ebr t\u00eb qen\u00eb president, si edhe deklaratat n\u00eb adres\u00eb t\u00eb rivalit t\u00eb tij Ted Cruz se s\u2019mund t\u00eb m\u00ebtoj\u00eb t\u00eb b\u00ebhet president, p\u00ebr shkak se ka lindur n\u00eb Kanada. K\u00ebshtu premtimet e Trump p\u00ebr ta mbajtur Amerik\u00ebn sa m\u00eb larg bot\u00ebs, dhe k\u00ebt\u00eb t\u00eb fundit sa m\u00eb larg Amerik\u00ebs jan\u00eb pjes\u00eb thelb\u00ebsore e gjith\u00eb karizm\u00ebs s\u00eb tij.<\/p>\n

Edhe q\u00ebndrimet e k\u00ebtyre dy kandidat\u00ebve rebel\u00eb ndaj tregtis\u00eb nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare d\u00ebshmojn\u00eb p\u00ebr ndryshimet nd\u00ebrmjet qasjeve t\u00eb tyre ndaj ve\u00e7an\u00ebsis\u00eb amerikane. N\u00eb pamje t\u00eb par\u00eb duket sikur t\u00eb dy jan\u00eb t\u00eb nj\u00eb mendjeje, sepse t\u00eb dy deklarohen kund\u00ebr statukuos\u00eb egzistuese. Por n\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtimet e Trump vijne nga pozita izolacioniste, sepse ai flet p\u00ebr vendosje barrierash doganore ndaj vendeve si Kina apo Japonia, t\u00eb cilat sipas tij \u201cpo e rrjepin Amerik\u00ebn\u201d. Nd\u00ebrsa Sanders nga ana e vet e kritikon statukuon\u00eb, kryesisht sepse e sheh si t\u00eb padrejt\u00eb ndaj vendeve t\u00eb varfra. Ai nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb kund\u00ebr marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieve tregtare nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, por vet\u00ebm se m\u00ebton q\u00eb ato t\u00eb jen\u00eb t\u00eb bazuara n\u00eb disa parime socialiste klasike, si\u00e7 jan\u00eb t\u00eb drejtat e punonj\u00ebsve n\u00eb shkall\u00eb globale, mbrojtja e mjedisit, zhvillimi i qendruesh\u00ebm etj. Pasuesit e Sanders s\u2019kan\u00eb ndonj\u00eb problem me integrimin e bashk\u00ebpunimin e shtuar t\u00eb Amerik\u00ebs me pjes\u00ebn tjet\u00ebr t\u00eb bot\u00ebs p\u00ebr sa koh\u00eb q\u00eb ky proces shoq\u00ebrohet me zgjerimin e mund\u00ebsive p\u00ebr shtresat e paprivilegjuara dhe me m\u00eb shum\u00eb drejt\u00ebsi p\u00ebr t\u00eb gjith\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Mund t\u00eb themi si p\u00ebrfundim se megjith\u00eb fitoret e tyre t\u00eb deritanishme, s\u2019ka shum\u00eb gjasa q\u00eb dy partit\u00eb t\u00eb lejojn\u00eb k\u00ebta kandidat\u00eb \u201dt\u00eb revolt\u00ebs\u201d t\u00eb fitojne garat p\u00ebrkat\u00ebse primare, e ashtu t\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsojn\u00eb ngjyrat e partive n\u00eb fjal\u00eb n\u00eb zgjedhjet e p\u00ebrgjithshme t\u00eb n\u00ebntorit. Mir\u00ebpo suksesi i tyre \u00ebsht\u00eb kuptimplot\u00eb p\u00ebrsa u perket ndryshimeve t\u00eb thella n\u00eb identitetet e t\u00eb dy partive, edhe t\u00eb republikan\u00ebve, edhe t\u00eb demokrat\u00ebve. V\u00ebrtet q\u00eb ato kan\u00eb diferenca t\u00eb m\u00ebdha n\u00eb lidhje me rolin e madh\u00ebsin\u00eb e qeveris\u00eb federale (megjith\u00ebse asnj\u00ebra nga pal\u00ebt s\u2019merr mundimin t\u00eb jap\u00eb ndonj\u00eb kriter t\u00eb qart\u00eb p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb), si dhe p\u00ebr nj\u00eb mori \u00e7\u00ebshtjesh t\u00eb tjera, por duket se ajo \u00e7ka i ndan ato sot m\u00eb fort se kurr\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb pik\u00ebrisht q\u00ebndrimi ndaj ve\u00e7an\u00ebsis\u00eb amerikane. Me fjal\u00eb t\u00eb tjera ndarja \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebr at\u00eb n\u00ebse Shtetet e Bashkuara duhet t\u00eb mbeten ai vend i ve\u00e7ant\u00eb e unik n\u00eb fytyr\u00eb t\u00eb dheut, ai \u201drend i ri i koh\u00ebrave\u201d q\u00eb p\u00ebrshkruam m\u00eb lart. Por n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb epok\u00eb t\u00eb globalizmit duket se ndarja nd\u00ebrmjet identitetit amerikan, t\u00eb bazuar fort tek ve\u00e7an\u00ebsia, dhe atij jo-amerikan, po shk\u00ebrmoqet n\u00eb rrug\u00eb e m\u00ebnyra t\u00eb reja, gati t\u00eb paimagjinueshme vet\u00ebm disa dekada m\u00eb par\u00eb. Dhe \u00ebsht\u00eb numri i madh i t\u00eb rinjve amerikan\u00eb, p\u00ebrndryshe simpatizues t\u00eb Sanders, t\u00eb cil\u00ebt me sekularizmin e kozmopolitanizmin e tyre po i shtyjn\u00eb demokrat\u00ebt t\u00eb p\u00ebrqafojn\u00eb nje amerikaniz\u00ebm q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb gjithmon\u00eb e m\u00eb pak i dalluesh\u00ebm nga pjesa tjet\u00ebr e bot\u00ebs. N\u00ebse demokrat\u00ebt do t\u00eb pajtohen n\u00eb vazhdim\u00ebsi me nj\u00eb prirje t\u00eb till\u00eb, aq m\u00eb shum\u00eb rritet edhe mund\u00ebsia daljes s\u00eb kandidat\u00ebve, apo m\u00eb gjer\u00eb t\u00eb politikan\u00ebve, t\u00eb modelit Trump n\u00eb t\u00eb ardhmen.<\/p>\n