{"id":1013,"date":"2012-06-09T17:45:36","date_gmt":"2012-06-09T17:45:36","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/revistakuvendi.org\/?p=1013"},"modified":"2012-06-09T17:45:36","modified_gmt":"2012-06-09T17:45:36","slug":"presidenti-i-100-vjetorit-te-shtetit","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/revistakuvendi.org\/?p=1013","title":{"rendered":"Presidenti i 100 vjetorit te Shtetit"},"content":{"rendered":"<p align=\"center\"><a href=\"http:\/\/revistakuvendi.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2012\/06\/romeo.png\"><img loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignleft size-full wp-image-1014\" title=\"romeo\" src=\"http:\/\/revistakuvendi.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2012\/06\/romeo.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"76\" height=\"76\" srcset=\"https:\/\/revistakuvendi.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2012\/06\/romeo.png 76w, https:\/\/revistakuvendi.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2012\/06\/romeo-48x48.png 48w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 76px) 100vw, 76px\" \/><\/a>Zgjedhja e Presidentit t\u00eb ri t\u00eb shtetit shqiptar, duke qen\u00eb se institucionalisht \u00ebsht\u00eb simboli i unitetit dhe i vazhdim\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb Shtetit, q\u00eb do t\u00eb gjykoj\u00eb dhe moderoj\u00eb n\u00eb pes\u00eb vitet e ardhshme t\u00eb Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb, funksionimin e rregullt t\u00eb institucioneve, figura q\u00eb merr mbi vet\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsin\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb lart\u00eb t\u00eb shtetit n\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, do t\u00eb duhej t\u00eb ishte nj\u00eb moment i r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm i p\u00ebruljes me nderim t\u00eb politik\u00ebs ndaj Publikut dhe ndaj interesave t\u00eb Shtetit, dhe jo komedia e radh\u00ebs ndaj nj\u00eb populli q\u00eb ende vuan pasojat e dram\u00ebs s\u00eb madhe q\u00eb komunist\u00ebt shqiptar\u00eb luajt\u00ebn mbi fatet e t\u00eb ardhmes s\u00eb tij.<!--more--><\/p>\n<p>Nj\u00eb moment kaq i r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm historik p\u00ebr shtetin 100 vje\u00e7ar t\u00eb <em>qytetar\u00ebve shqiptar\u00eb<\/em>, po shnd\u00ebrrohet n\u00eb nj\u00eb proces t\u00eb pap\u00eblqyesh\u00ebm, t\u00eb dirigjuar n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb parafinuar makiaveliste nga <em>politika shqiptare<\/em>, i cili po tregon gjithnj\u00eb e m\u00eb qart\u00eb se sa t\u00eb padenj\u00eb po e paraqesin padrejt\u00ebsisht Shqip\u00ebrin\u00eb ton\u00eb, t\u00eb gjith\u00eb ata q\u00eb kan\u00eb n\u00eb dor\u00eb fatet europiane t\u00eb vendit ton\u00eb.<\/p>\n<p>Institucioni i Presidentit n\u00eb Republik\u00ebn parlamentare t\u00eb Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrshtatur posa\u00e7\u00ebrisht nga hartuesit e Kushtetut\u00ebs, si nj\u00eb organ monokratik, i paansh\u00ebm dhe apolitik, q\u00eb nuk ushtron funksione aktive t\u00eb qeveris\u00eb, por ka detyr\u00ebn p\u00ebr t\u00eb v\u00ebzhguar mbi t\u00eb gjitha pushtetet, p\u00ebr t\u00eb kontrolluar dhe p\u00ebr t\u00eb garantuar respektimin e ekuilibrave t\u00eb parashikuara nga Kushtetuta n\u00eb mes organeve t\u00eb ndryshme t\u00eb Shtetit, me qellim q\u00eb asnj\u00eb t\u00eb mos mbivendoset mbi t\u00eb tjer\u00ebt, t\u00eb verifikoj\u00eb q\u00eb jan\u00eb t\u00eb kontrollueshme parimet dhe vlerat themeltare t\u00eb sanksionuara nga vet\u00eb ky dokument themeltar i shtetit, nj\u00eb institucion q\u00eb do t\u00eb duhet t\u00eb drejtoj\u00eb me p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsi t\u00eb lart\u00eb politike, juridike dhe patriotike, pushtetin e dh\u00ebn\u00eb n\u00eb ushtrimin e funksionit juridik.<\/p>\n<p>Mir\u00ebpo, ndryshe nga fryma e Kushtetut\u00ebs, n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb vetvetishme apo t\u00eb qellimshme, po vijon m\u00eb ngulm n\u00eb fakt, procesi i nisur me ndryshimet konstitucionale (t\u00eb vitit 2008), t\u00eb pangjashme n\u00eb nj\u00eb vend per\u00ebndimor, i shnd\u00ebrrimit p\u00ebrfundimtar t\u00eb postit presidencial, n\u00eb nj\u00eb institucion pak p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsues dhe t\u00eb zhveshur nga \u00e7do pushtet themeltar, drejt nj\u00eb figure simbolike kryetari, n\u00eb nj\u00eb insitucion t\u00eb \u201cspecializuar\u201d si mjesht\u00ebr i madh i ceremonive shtet\u00ebrore, i mbyllur n\u00eb kafazin e rehatsh\u00ebm t\u00eb Presidenc\u00ebs, q\u00eb do t\u00eb firmos\u00eb pa ngurrim \u00e7do shkres\u00eb dhe em\u00ebrim me kund\u00ebrfirm\u00eb ministeriale q\u00eb i ofrohet, dhe do t\u00eb pranoj\u00eb n\u00eb heshtje \u00e7do let\u00ebr porosi q\u00eb i vihet p\u00ebrpara n\u00eb em\u00ebrimet e sistemit juridik dhe t\u00eb siguris\u00eb shtet\u00ebrore.<\/p>\n<p>Me nj\u00eb presion t\u00eb pangjash\u00ebm u arrit n\u00eb nulifikimin faktik t\u00eb funksionit veprues presidencial n\u00eb p\u00ebriudh\u00ebn e mandatit t\u00eb fundit, duke b\u00ebr\u00eb t\u00eb hesht\u00eb institucionin q\u00eb nuk do t\u00eb duhej t\u00eb heshtte n\u00eb mbrojtje t\u00eb Kushtetut\u00ebs dhe t\u00eb institucioneve t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtuara nga ajo, pa arritur dot n\u00eb fakt t\u2019i imponojn\u00eb atij posti t\u00eb nderuar t\u00eb shtetit, p\u00ebruljen p\u00ebrfundimtare, q\u00eb do t\u00eb kishte qen\u00eb fatale p\u00ebr zhbalancimin e plot\u00eb institucional t\u00eb vendit dh\u00eb rr\u00ebnimin e pariparuesh\u00ebm t\u00eb sistemeve kontrolluese.<\/p>\n<p>Pavar\u00ebsisht nga p\u00ebrparimet e spikatura t\u00eb arritura n\u00eb dekaden e fundit, Shteti shqiptar n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb 100 vjetor, n\u00eb dit\u00ebt kur pret t\u00eb ket\u00eb nj\u00eb President t\u00eb vertet\u00eb t\u00eb lart\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb Ismail Qemalit, e Et\u00ebrve t\u00eb medhenj t\u00eb shtetformimit, t\u00eb shk\u00ebputur t\u00ebr\u00ebsisht nga e kaluara e djeshme diktatoriale, vuan ende: 1. nga mungesa e nj\u00eb Arbitri t\u00eb brendsh\u00ebm mes aktor\u00ebv\u00eb t\u00eb r\u00ebnduar emocionalisht t\u00eb politik\u00ebs shqiptare; 2. nga nj\u00eb zhbalancim i r\u00ebnd\u00eb raportesh mes institucioneve; 3. nga mospasja e nj\u00eb sistemi t\u00eb shendetsh\u00ebm t\u00eb drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb; 4. nga pesha e r\u00ebnd\u00eb e mos pasjes s\u00eb nj\u00eb sistemi efikas t\u00eb siguris\u00eb publike; 5.n\u00ebn pesh\u00ebn e pamat\u00eb q\u00eb t\u00eb krijojn\u00eb disa burokraci t\u00eb pakalueshme administrative; 6. nga \u00e7\u2019orientimet dhe spontaneiteti i linjave strategjike t\u00eb politik\u00ebs s\u00eb jashtme; 7. nga mossend\u00ebrtimi i nj\u00eb opozicioni real, n\u00eb sh\u00ebrbim t\u00eb publikut dhe Shtetit, organizuar si \u2018<em>Shadow Cabinet<\/em>\u2019 n\u00eb p\u00ebrfeksionim profesional, t\u00eb imponuar jo vet\u00ebm nga vullneti individual politik, por edhe nga legjislacioni shtet\u00ebror; 8. nga deformimi i form\u00ebs s\u00eb qeverisjes parlamentare t\u00eb racionalizuar, q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb karakteristika e sistemit ton\u00eb qeveris\u00ebs, p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb denigrimit deri n\u00eb harres\u00eb t\u00eb disiplin\u00ebs s\u00eb detyrueshme t\u00eb raporteve t\u00eb nd\u00ebrvar\u00ebsis\u00eb mes ekzekutivit dhe legjislativit, sa her\u00eb q\u00eb ka arsye t\u00eb dukshme paqendrushm\u00ebrie politike (Instituti i Besimit \u00ebsht\u00eb mungues n\u00eb aspektin ligjor dhe zakonor procedural); 9. nga nj\u00eb klas\u00eb politike q\u00eb harron shpesh her\u00eb q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb n\u00eb sh\u00ebrbim t\u00eb Publikut dhe jo n\u00eb sh\u00ebrbim t\u00eb pushtetit, nj\u00eb klas\u00eb politike q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb shk\u00ebputur nga Atdheu Real dhe q\u00eb e ka reduktuar Atdheun Legal n\u00eb nj\u00eb bashk\u00ebsi interesash private, individuale dhe partiake t\u00eb p\u00ebrqendruar vet\u00ebm ne kryeqytet; 10. nga mungesa e nj\u00eb ligji t\u00eb efektsh\u00ebm t\u00eb organizimit politik q\u00eb do t\u00eb transformonte partit\u00eb politike, nga llogore interesash individuale, n\u00eb organizata politike n\u00eb t\u00eb mir\u00eb t\u00eb interesave t\u00eb publikut; 11. nga nj\u00eb pengim i funksionimit normal t\u00eb Gjykat\u00ebs Kushtetuese, si garantuese e zhbllokimit t\u00eb konflikteve t\u00eb mundshme mbi kompetencat n\u00eb mes pushteteteve t\u00eb shtetit, dhe e zgjidhjes s\u00eb ng\u00ebr\u00e7eve t\u00eb pritshme, edhe n\u00eb rastin n\u00eb fjal\u00eb; 12. nga nj\u00eb sistem elektoral q\u00eb deformon qartazi p\u00ebrzgjedhjen politike t\u00eb elektoratit dhe nuk siguron stabilitetin e kollajsh\u00ebm t\u00eb qeveris\u00eb, nep\u00ebrmjet krijimit t\u00eb shumicave qart\u00ebsisht t\u00eb dallueshme. 13.nga mungesa e procedurave t\u00eb qarta deri edhe n\u00eb zgjedhjen e Presidentit t\u00eb Republik\u00ebs son\u00eb.<\/p>\n<p>P\u00ebr t\u00eb gjitha k\u00ebto, n\u00eb fakt, vendi ka nevoj\u00eb p\u00ebr nj\u00eb marr\u00ebveshje t\u00eb madhe historike, q\u00eb do t\u00eb duhej t\u00eb korigjonte thell\u00ebsisht, njimend\u00ebsisht dhe n\u00eb frym\u00ebn e parimeve demokratike, zbraz\u00ebtirat e sistemit ton\u00eb parlamentar, zbraz\u00ebtirat procedurale n\u00eb zgjedhjen e institucioneve t\u00eb larta shtet\u00ebrore dhe m\u00ebnyr\u00ebs s\u00eb sjelljes e k\u00ebtyre institucioneve, q\u00eb kan\u00eb prodhuar nj\u00eb demokraci t\u00eb brisht\u00eb, me rrug\u00eb t\u00eb paqarta, me shtet t\u00eb dob\u00ebt, me funksionin jo efikas t\u00eb ligjit dhe t\u00eb s\u00eb drejt\u00ebs, me barazi plot\u00ebsisht t\u00eb deformuar t\u00eb qytetar\u00ebve para ligjit, dhe me siguri publike jasht\u00eb standardit t\u00eb k\u00ebrkuar p\u00ebr nj\u00eb vend t\u00eb per\u00ebndimizuar. Shteti yn\u00eb ka nevoj\u00eb urgjente t\u00eb zhduk\u00eb nga skena e sjelljes politike shqiptare gjurm\u00ebt e trash\u00ebgimis\u00eb komuniste (nj\u00eb proces real dekomunistizues) q\u00eb po rendojn\u00eb mjaft mbi interesat e Publikut, me keqkuptimin e thell\u00eb dhe t\u00eb d\u00ebmsh\u00ebm t\u00eb demokracis\u00eb dhe t\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00ebs s\u00eb ushtrimit t\u00eb p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsis\u00eb shtet\u00ebrore.<\/p>\n<p>Kjo marr\u00ebveshje korrigjuese e sistemit nuk do t\u00eb mund t\u00eb ishte e suksesshme n\u00eb qoft\u00eb se para s\u00eb gjithash Shqip\u00ebria nuk do t\u00eb kishte nj\u00eb garant t\u00eb brendsh\u00ebm, t\u00eb paansh\u00ebm e t\u00eb besuesh\u00ebm, luajal ndaj publikut dhe interesave t\u00eb kombit, p\u00ebrparimit euro-atlantik dhe europianizimit institucional t\u00eb shtetit. Zakonisht, ky garant i brendsh\u00ebm, n\u00eb vendet demokratike, mish\u00ebrohet n\u00eb figuren e Kreut t\u00eb Shtetit. K\u00ebsisoj hapi i par\u00eb do t\u00eb duhej t\u00eb isht\u00eb p\u00ebrzgjedhja e nj\u00eb presidenti q\u00eb g\u00ebzon hipotetikisht besimin e pritshm\u00ebrin\u00eb e Publikut, merr p\u00ebrsip\u00ebr t\u00eb garantoj\u00eb dhe t\u2019i qendroj\u00eb besnik interesave t\u00eb Publikut, q\u00eb do mbetet jasht\u00eb, por jo indiferent ndaj ballafaqimeve politike q\u00eb r\u00ebndojn\u00eb mbi sistemin dhe do t\u00eb merrte p\u00ebrsiper nism\u00ebn legjislative p\u00ebr korigjimin themeltar t\u00eb sistemit t\u00eb drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb dhe ushtrimin e besuesh\u00ebm t\u00eb funksionit balancues dhe kontrollues ndaj institucioneve.<\/p>\n<p>Th\u00ebn\u00eb ndryshe, Shqip\u00ebria sot ka nevoj\u00eb p\u00ebr nj\u00eb President\/Presidente t\u00eb fort\u00eb (gjithnj\u00eb brenda Republik\u00ebs Parlamentare) dhe jo p\u00ebr lojcak\u00eb tradicional\u00eb, p\u00ebr nj\u00eb President t\u00eb vendosur, jo p\u00ebr nj\u00eb marionet\u00eb n\u00eb duart e forcave politike, q\u00eb do t\u00eb rikthej\u00eb, jo vet\u00ebm ligj\u00ebrisht, por edhe faktikisht, funksionin monokratik t\u00eb Kreut t\u00eb Shtetit, nj\u00eb kryetar shteti q\u00eb do t\u00eb garantoj\u00eb ruajtjen e limituar n\u00eb kufijt\u00eb e ligjes s\u00eb pushteteve n\u00eb shtet dhe do t\u00eb nd\u00ebrhyj\u00eb sa her\u00eb q\u00eb ka prirje p\u00ebr tejkalim t\u00eb pushteteve, nj\u00eb kryetar shteti q\u00eb do t\u00eb ndihmoj\u00eb n\u00eb p\u00ebrkryerjen e reformave procedurale munguese n\u00eb sjelljen e institucioneve, do t\u00eb ndihmonte n\u00eb p\u00ebrkufizimin e politikave strategjike t\u00eb vendit, do t\u00eb ndihmonte n\u00eb p\u00ebrkryerjen e reformave legjislative t\u00eb munguara dhe adoptimin e rregullimeve t\u00eb nevojshme, do t\u00eb nxiste vendimarrjen p\u00ebr operimin e sh\u00ebrbimeve publike, do t\u00eb orientonte qart\u00ebsisht politikat e jashtme komb\u00ebtare, drejt integrimeve t\u00eb sinqerta per\u00ebndimore. Dhe e gjitha kjo nuk mund t\u00eb arrihet pa nj\u00eb konsensus t\u00eb plot\u00eb historik, q\u00eb starton me zgjedhjen e nj\u00eb Presidenti t\u00eb besuesh\u00ebm, q\u00eb do i p\u00ebrmbahet besimit ndaj SHTETIT dhe do vijoj\u00eb m\u00eb rregullimet plot\u00ebsuese t\u00eb sistemit. K\u00ebto rregullime plot\u00ebsuese nuk mund t\u00eb jen\u00eb m\u00eb l\u00ebvizje me llogari p\u00ebrfituese individuale, por l\u00ebvizje praktike q\u00eb do t\u00eb duhet t\u00eb mb\u00ebshteten thell\u00eb vet\u00ebm n\u00eb teorin\u00eb, q\u00eb i b\u00ebri t\u00eb suksesshme demokracit\u00eb liberale per\u00ebndimore.<\/p>\n<p>M\u00eb s\u00eb pari, Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb i duhet nj\u00eb President q\u00eb t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtoje nga e para, proceduralisht (n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb funksioni t\u00eb mos ket\u00eb m\u00eb prap\u00ebsim), punen e detyrueshme dhe t\u00eb vlefshme t\u00eb Kreut t\u00eb Shtetit si nd\u00ebrmjet\u00ebsues institucional. Vdekur pa e par\u00eb mir\u00eb drit\u00ebn e shtetit shqiptar, procedura e brendshme ndermjetesuese nd\u00ebr-institucionale dhe nd\u00ebr-politike, \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb domosdoshm\u00ebri p\u00ebr garantimin e funksionimit pa tronditje t\u00eb mekanizmit t\u00eb prodhuar nga Kushtetuta. Bashk\u00ebngjitur me k\u00ebt\u00eb dhe n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb pandashme, po aq urgjente do t\u00eb kishte qen\u00eb rregullimi i zbraz\u00ebtirave ligjore q\u00eb krijuan <em>impasse<\/em> n\u00eb rind\u00ebrtimin automatik t\u00eb institucionit t\u00eb Gjykat\u00ebs Kushtetuese, q\u00eb besoj e ka t\u00eb nevojshm\u00eb nj\u00eb ligj organik rregullues, q\u00eb do t\u00eb shmangte me p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsi, stuhit\u00eb partiake mbi k\u00ebt\u00eb organ jet\u00ebsor t\u00eb Shtetit, do t\u00eb siguronte vazhdim\u00ebsin\u00eb normale t\u00eb pun\u00ebs dhe do t\u00eb shmangte rastet e konfliktit t\u00eb interesit.<\/p>\n<p>S\u00eb dyti, Presidenti i Republik\u00ebs mund t\u00eb b\u00ebhet nism\u00ebtar i procesit t\u00eb munguar t\u00eb demokratizimit t\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00ebs s\u00eb funksionimit dhe strukturave t\u00eb brendshme t\u00eb partive politike, nep\u00ebrmjet nd\u00ebrmarrjes s\u00eb nismave legjislative q\u00eb parashikojn\u00eb detyrimin p\u00ebr t\u2019iu p\u00ebrmbajtur Statuteve Modele q\u00eb rregullojn\u00eb e organizojn\u00eb edhe m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn e funksionimit t\u00eb pun\u00ebve brenda partive politike t\u00eb nj\u00eb vendi demokratik.<\/p>\n<p>Hapi i tret\u00eb i r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm q\u00eb e pret Presidentin e ardhsh\u00ebm t\u00eb Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb do t\u00eb duhet t\u00eb jet\u00eb ndihmesa e k\u00ebrkuar nga publiku p\u00ebr t\u00eb qart\u00ebsuar tipin e sistemit parlamentar shqiptar, n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb q\u00eb ai sistem serish t\u00eb mos ndodhet n\u00eb <em>impasse<\/em> t\u00eb tilla institucionale q\u00eb \u00e7ojn\u00eb n\u00eb sorollatje dhe \u00e7\u2019orientime t\u00eb sjelljeve institucionale dhe politike. Ndarja e prer\u00eb e mendjes n\u00eb mes nj\u00eb <em>sistemi parlamentar me spikatje asambleare<\/em> dhe atij <em>me spikatje t\u00eb ekzekutivit<\/em>, tashm\u00eb do t\u00eb duhet t\u00eb ndodh\u00eb n\u00eb Shqip\u00ebri. N\u00eb qoft\u00eb se ne do t\u00eb duhemi t\u00eb priremi, si\u00e7 \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb logjike dhe m\u00eb e provuar, drejt nj\u00eb sistemi parlamentar me spikatje t\u00eb Ekzekutivit, p\u00ebr shkak t\u00eb stabilitetit q\u00eb krijon dhe shmangies s\u00eb loj\u00ebs s\u00eb partive t\u00eb vogla nj\u00eb apo m\u00eb shum\u00eb vend\u00ebshe, kjo do t\u00eb k\u00ebrkonte nj\u00ebkoh\u00ebsisht s\u00eb pari korigjimin e sistemit zgjedhor, serish drejt sistemit mazhoritar nj\u00eb em\u00ebror, me nj\u00eb raund dhe <strong><em>s\u00ebnd\u00ebrtimin e sistemit t\u00eb koalicioneve bipolare parazgjedhore<\/em><\/strong>. Paralelisht m\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb do t\u00eb duhej t\u00eb racionalizohej me ligj organik, d.m.th. t\u00eb disiplinohej juridikisht sjellja institucionale e Ekzekutivit, Legjislativit dhe nj\u00eb rimodelim n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb drejtim i funksioneve balancuese, ndermjet\u00ebsuese dhe kontrolluese t\u00eb Kreut t\u00eb Shtetit, mbi baz\u00ebn e shembujve procedurale t\u00eb vendeve me demokraci t\u00eb konsoliduar.<\/p>\n<p>Me nj\u00eb nd\u00ebrhyrje t\u00eb till\u00eb, Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb do t\u2019i shkurtoheshin kostot e ardhshme jet\u00ebsore q\u00eb i prodhon \u00e7do muaj politika, dhe vendi do t\u00eb shmangej nga p\u00ebrs\u00ebritje ciklike t\u00eb krizave t\u00eb ngjashme.<\/p>\n<p>Tiran\u00eb, m\u00eb 07.06.2012\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Romeo Gurakuqi<\/p>\n<p>Instituti i Historis\u00eb Bashk\u00ebkohore<\/p>\n<p>Universiteti Europian i Tiran\u00ebs<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Zgjedhja e Presidentit t\u00eb ri t\u00eb shtetit shqiptar, duke qen\u00eb se institucionalisht \u00ebsht\u00eb simboli i unitetit dhe i vazhdim\u00ebsis\u00eb s\u00eb Shtetit, q\u00eb do t\u00eb gjykoj\u00eb dhe moderoj\u00eb n\u00eb pes\u00eb vitet e ardhshme t\u00eb Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb, funksionimin e rregullt t\u00eb institucioneve, figura q\u00eb merr mbi vet\u00eb p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsin\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb lart\u00eb t\u00eb shtetit n\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, do t\u00eb&hellip;<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[3],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-1013","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-politike"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/revistakuvendi.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1013","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/revistakuvendi.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/revistakuvendi.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/revistakuvendi.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/revistakuvendi.org\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcomments&post=1013"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/revistakuvendi.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1013\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":1015,"href":"https:\/\/revistakuvendi.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1013\/revisions\/1015"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/revistakuvendi.org\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fmedia&parent=1013"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/revistakuvendi.org\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcategories&post=1013"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/revistakuvendi.org\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Ftags&post=1013"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}